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| Iron and Blood; First Austro-Marslavan War | |
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| Topic Started: Jun 24 2017, 10:06 PM (351 Views) | |
| Whal | Jun 24 2017, 10:06 PM Post #1 |
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"Life is too short to be wasted on bad scotch"
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Budapest, Hungary... For several months now, the once proud Hungarian capital had languished in a state of uneasiness. Ever since the coup, the iconic "Jewel of the Danube", as Budapest was know in some circles, had been a flash-point in the struggle between two great Central European powers - the Austrian Empire and the Great Duchy of Marslava. While the two had once fought and bled together for the city against Hungarian nationalists only two years before, the camaraderie once shared between Austrian and Marslavan forces felt like a long forgotten fable. Now, each day in the city felt like an endless routine on a militarized border as soldiers on both sides settled into a system of trenches, barbed wire, and concrete bunkers reminiscent of the battlefields of the First World War. Unlike the Somme, Verdun, or the Marne however, the Budapest front was a cold one; Austrian and Marslavan guns sat idle in a perpetual state of readiness for an assault that never came. The Austrians had begun preparations for an inevitable Marslavan assault ever since their armies had crossed over from northern Hungary following the Empire's successful campaigns in the Balkans, yet no shots had ever been fired. In fact, each day the Duchy's soldiers began to disappear slowly from their normal posts along the front; to much confusion and apprehension from the Reichswehr's commanders. It wasn't long before the Marslavan garrison just outside the city limits became so thin that the Austrian forces became so unnerved by such "peculiar tactics" that they began actively pushing for more brazen reconnaissance missions into Marslavan held territory. One the eve of the first of these recon missions, something happened that the Austrians did not expect. On a normal cool summer's night, an Austrian squad of sturmtruppen prepared for their first real combat mission in 6 months. Orders had come from their company battalion commander, which in turn had come directly from the Oberkommando itself, to undertake a covert infiltration of the Marslavan left flank that guarded an industrial warehouse district sparsely occupied by "enemy" forces. The Austrian soldiers knew their adversaries well; a mostly Slovakian-Marslavan infantry regiment that had been stationed in their district since they had arrived outside the city months ago. Tonight, they would be the target of an aggressive intelligence gathering exercise that would probe and assess the strength of their defenses and hopefully provide insight on the noticeable troop decrease in recent months. Just as the men had geared up and set out from their trenches, they rounded a pitch black city street and straight into an unarmed Marslavan soldier. Much to the Austrians' surprise, the young infantryman didn't call out or immediately attempt to flee. Instead, arms were thrown up quickly and quietly in an unmistakable signal of surrender. With the mission already meeting enemy contact in the first seconds of its undertaking, the Austrian stormtroopers could either escort the prisoner back to their lines or dispose of the problem. Once the young Slovak soldier described his condition, the Austrian patrol leader decided their mission had been accomplished right then and there. A single deserter can be more dangerous to an army than multiple defeats if he is in the right position at the right time. A low-level private may be able to offer the enemy a few key pieces of intell, but an officer, interpreter, or intelligence agent, can divulge information that puts the whole army in jeopardy. How fortunate for the Austrians, that the deserter they encountered was a communications officer for the local garrison. From what was discussed immediately post retrieval, the deserter had waited several days outside the Austrian lines to escape his own nation and a growing darkness within it. The truth was nothing short of a miracle for the Reichswehr, the Archduke, and Austria as a whole. The Great Duchy of Marslava was fracturing along its seams both politically and socially. The once proud cohesive nation was quickly descending into a bitter struggle for national autonomy and political power simultaneously. The deserter painted a vivid picture of the crisis happening behind the Marslavan lines that had until now passed mostly unconfirmed by the Austrians. While the RSD had successfully planted agents into the Great Duchy and those agents had sent back reports of civil insurrection in the Slovakian region, the reports could never ascertain the fullest extent of the damages to the Marslavan state. A riot a few weeks ago in Bratislava, a racially motivated shooting of a Czech celebrity in Prague last fall, and a cyber attack of the Marslavan cable news network in Brno a day prior, were all reports the RSD had studied deeply, yet could never garner enough attention to push the Austrians to reach out to local Slovakian separatist groups. The nexus of focus was always lobbied towards Bohemian German and Hungarian resistance movements in the Marslavan heartland and occupied Hungary proper; however, the deserter explained the Slovaks were organizing in greater numbers in recent weeks and partisan activities against the Marslavan military were rising. Moreover, Slováci Nastávajú, or "Slovaks Arise" as the indigenous Slovakian nationalist movement was called, was increasingly gaining momentum in its drive to secure autonomy for the Slovakian people. The RSD was surprised to learn that they were also making favorable overtures to the Austrians. The deserter had stated emphatically that his regiment was full of patriots who were debating on whether to desert en mass and join the separatists. Thus, the truth was confirmed, that more and more Marslavan troops were being re-positioned to combat a growing insurgency in the east and it would be folly for the Austrians to watch them fail. On the same day the Archduke flew to Porcu for the funeral of the late President, the RSD made its first formal overture to the Slovak resistance and drove the first nail in the coffin of Austria's most hated rivals. Edited by Whal, Jun 24 2017, 10:13 PM.
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| Whal | Jul 4 2017, 11:19 AM Post #2 |
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"Life is too short to be wasted on bad scotch"
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Pama, near the Austro-Marslavan border.... It was on a muggy summer's night that the Austrians and Slovakian nationalists first met to discuss the future of the later's country. In the sleepy border hamlet of Pama on the Austrian side of the border, an RSD detachment sat patiently and quietly in wait within the local magistrate's residence. The magistrate, having been compensated handsomely by his countrymen, was all too pleased to retire for the night and bequeath his parlor room to the central authorities. After all, Pama was a small town and any attention given by the RSD would certainly legitimize the magistrate's power and grow his personal gravitas in the eye's of the villagers or so he hoped. There were four agents strewn about the lavish parlor room. Two sat comfortably in plush burgundy leather seats at the head of a long table opposite the entrance, while two others stood guard outside in the foyer. Wearing their black military uniforms, these men were unmistakably soldiers in one the RSD's kampfen units; their gold berets and epaulets, and lapels sown with the imperial crown labeled them as men of the Kaiser Division - the most prestigious of the RSD's newly formed combat troops. On their arms, they wore the quintessential white and red armband embroidered with the Austrian falcon which announced them as executors of the racist and nationalist Adlerite Party agenda. One wondered what such men were doing on a mission of peace and friendship to an unabashedly pro-Slavic partisan movement? One needed only turn to the obvious answer - leverage. Austria's enemy was the Slovakian enemy and it was no simpler than that. Yet, no one on the Austrian side at least, had any illusions that a partnership here would signal an equal standing of Slovakia to Austria. Furthermore, the Austrians had no plans for a Slovak state to rise out of the ashes of the toppled Marslavan regime. If the Slovakians had any knowledge to these plans they hide it well, for the Austrian offer of assistance was met quickly and without much caution by the leadership of Slováci Nastávajú. The partisans grasped at the first sign of help and relayed to Vienna that they had not been doing as well in their abrupt uprising as they would have liked. It was a few minutes after midnight when a muffled knock at the magistrates door announced that the Slovaks had arrived. The Austrian commander, a young man with blonde hair and an athletic build, rose and beckoned his men to let them in. The Slovak rebels were a battered bunch; three men dressed in tattered brown uniforms that had been hastily modified from their original Marslavan issue to something more unique. Their leader was an older man of about 50 or so years who commanded an air of importance despite his haggard appearance. The Austrian commander smiled slightly and motioned for the trio to sit. "My name is Hans Stieger, I am a colonel in the Kampfen RSD, please allow me to welcome you to the Austrian Empire," the man began politely, in a melodic Austrian-accented German. The look of confusion in the eyes of the Slovaks alerted immediately that none among them spoke German. Colonel Hans Stieger let out a light chuckle and shook his head. Of course, the meeting wouldn't be an easy one. "Why would they send three men who can't speak German?" The other seated Austrian inquired harshly. "What an insult." "Perhaps all their German speakers are dead?" Stieger joked. "No matter, Konrad speaks Slovakian so he will interpret for us." One of the soldiers from outside was ordered in and repeated the colonel's greeting in a passable Slovakian. The Slovaks nodded their heads and their leader cleared his throat before speaking. "We thank you for your invitation; however we can dispel with the niceties for now as time is of the essence. What steps is Austria taking to put pressure on the Great Duchy?" Stieger was pleasantly surprised at the man's candid response. In fact, he was delighted as it meant he could conclude the meeting much faster. He removed a portfolio from a briefcase and slide it over to the Slovak leader. Inside the folder were multiple pictures of Marslavan military and industrial targets that the Austrians had outlined with coordinates and mathematical calculations. The Slovakian leader nodded his head and pointed his finger at the first photo - the Ducal Palace. "When will you strike?" he replied with a grave seriousness. Colonel Stieger matched the man's mood in kind. "When my government can be assured that Slováci Nastávajú can stand on its own and properly lock down at least 1/4th of the Marslavan military. We have seen that a large bulk of the Marslavan army is made up of Slovakian regiments. You would do well to turn them to your cause quickly. Until then, you must be content with arms , munitions, and intelligence for now. This, we can provide immediately and consistently." The Slovakians could tell that the Austrians were stalling for time, but they couldn't yet discern why. Every Marslavan was aware of the military capabilities of the Reichswehr; it was almost an obsession of arm-chair generals and actual leaders alike. It was battle-tested, experienced, and expertly led. It was smaller than the Marslavan army surely, but it could match the Great Duchy in a fight and win with the right plan of attack. Why were they dragging their feet? The Slovakians would have to wait however, as two more hours of discussion did not move the Austrians from their current position. The partisans would need to better harangue the Marslavan military before the Reichswehr would intervene militarily. At least they could take solace in the fact that they had secured tons of new military hardware and a constant stream of Austrian intell. The Slovakian resistance had left better than it had came. For the Austrians, the meeting was deemed a success. The RSD had learned valuable information regarding the character and commitment of the resistance, as well as intelligence of the current status of the Marslavan political scene. The Slovaks weren't the only faction now fighting for control in Marslava; the Bohemian Germans, Hungarians, Communists, and Royalists were all arming and preparing for a bitter civil war. It was a blessing for the Austrians than at least two of these factions could be relied on to fight alongside the Reichswehr when it chose to cross the Danube into Marslavan territory. What the Austrians had neglected to tell their new allies however, was that they had no intention of allowing them to survive. The Slovaks were to be an intentional sacrifice, so Austrian lives could be spared. "They're no different than the terrorists," Stieger had stated referencing Translava, once the Slovaks had left. "At least, this time they shall serve a purpose." Edited by Whal, Jul 4 2017, 09:54 PM.
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| Alberto | Sep 1 2017, 05:13 AM Post #3 |
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Resident Italian
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Much had happened in Marslava in the last year. The prosperous, democratic, and industrial polity had discovered, and shown to the world, its many weaknesses. The legislative elections held in Slovakia had given a majority to the Independence Bloc, a republican and independence party seeking to break away from the throne. The one hundred deputies elected in Slovakia had refused to sit in Prague's parliament and had set up their own chamber, the narodno zhromaždenie. From their houses, millions of people had watched their televisions in shock as the head of the Independentist Party, Gustav Malhàr had confronted the troops sent to disband the independentist assembly and had convinced them to go home. The Slovak troops had disobeyed their officers' orders and had decided to stay in their barracks, waiting to see what would happen. There had been no reaction from the throne. Rumours said that the Ducal Guard had declared its willingness to break down the Independence Bloc using force, but that the Grand Duke had refused. Slovaks, Czechs, Germans, Ruthenians and Jews had always coexisted peacefully in Marslava. However, the Slovak electors who had backed the Independence Bloc were expressing some real grievance: Slovakia had always been less developed than Bohemia and Moravia, and the Slovaks were a tiny minority in the country's top positions. While many Slovaks had gained wealth through business, public affairs had remained in the hands of Czechs and Germans. Nationalism was not the only dividing factor in Marslava. The country was also divided in a variety of political parties, each more or less pro-democratic or reactionary. The pan-slavists, the nationalists, and the conservatives all demanded the throne's supremacy, while the communists, the social-democrats and the liberals stood in favour of parliamentary supremacy. The MCP, Europe's largest communist party, longed for a republican government; the others wished a constitutional monarchy where the Grand Duke would reign without ruling. Only the Grand Duke's tact and his friendship with the Prime Minister Vladislav Clementis were preventing a new crisis, for now. However, in the streets, a new violent movement had arisen: organized in “battalions” the panslavist "Dom" militants aggressed democratic politicians, broke down strikes, and aggressed foreigners. Before these threats, the aristocracy was more divided than ever. The Slavniks, the country’s most ancient family which had always claimed the throne, stood in favour of the pan-slavist movement and against the parliament. The Podebrady and the Czernin were still committed to the status quo, while the von Lichnowski (the country's wealthiest house) favoured the parliament. All viewed with hostility the rise in influence of Maria Karageorgieva, the Grand-Duchess, and of her Serb countrymen. All these contradictions would soon lead to a new conflagration.... Bratislava, the City Centre "Piece of shit!" screamed Ladislav while kicking the man's face a last time. He, a lurid social-democrat, a coward local councillor, had defined called "crazy" the idea of making war against Austria. Now he was lying on the floor with his mouth open, and his blood dripping on the paved road. Two young men kicked him and ten others stood around. They were armed with sticks and knives. Nobody had intervened. Some were too scared, others, a small group of soldiers, stared happily. Without traitors like him, they said, "we would have won in Serbia". Ladislav's real name was Hermann, from his father's German best friend, but he had changed it to sound Slavic. Few hours later, the city learnt that Jan Bergmann, an old social-democrat city councellor, had died after being aggressed by a group of hooligans. An angry crowd immediately assembled to exact revenge. The good citizens of Bratislava, socialdemocrats, communists or pro-independence, wanted to get rid of the aggressive panslavists. Slovak independence, they reasoned, was about bringing about a peaceful and democratic country and not a fascist dystopia. The crowd tore down Ladislav's house, seized him and brought him to the police after a severe beating. This prompted the panslavists to react: soon all the country's nationalists were converging to Bratislava. Now two crowds stood against each other: they were divided only by the police and waited for the occasion to aggress. Bratislava's situation had become a national crisis, which required the attention of the central government. Rumours spread that the Grand Duke himself would come to pacify the city. That is exactly what some Panslavists had been waiting for. By that time, the Independence Bloc was losing control of the city. The two opposing crowds acted according to their own whims, they were armed with sticks and knives, and disregarded any order to disband and go home. The independentist leaders also were not sure that the police, which was still separating the two groups, would be up to the challenge in case of violence. On the other hand the army was still in its barracks, and no one knew where its loyalties were. Then, it is with relief that the local politicians welcomed the Grand Duke, the prime minister and a parliamentary delegation. It is with gratitude that they accepted the help of the Ducal Guard to keep some order. And, finally, the Grand Duke accepted to meet the Independence Bloc's leaders. Castle of Bratislava, few days later “The largest problem is not your assembly's refusal to join the Parliament» the Grand Duke scolded them «the Panslavists is the biggest threat. Didn't you see what is happening in Austria? They are like the Adlerites and if they win you will all get murdered!" Gustav Malhàr was unmoved. "Your Excellency" he said willingly ignoring his title "there are some legitimate demands by our people that need to be addressed first. We would like to discuss them with your elected prime minister ". "Piece of shit" thought angrily the Grand Duke "you will pay for this". But now he needed the Independence Bloc's help to contain the pan-slavists. "Mr Clementis and Ms Starikova" he said resignedly to the Prime Minister and the leader of the parliamentary opposition "it is time to present your proposal." "We need to calm the spirits" started Vladislav Clementis "and give time to democratic discussion. We propose to disband both our assemblies and elect a Constitutional Assembly which will approve a constitutional assembly. This assembly will discuss and vote a new federal constitution for Marslava". "Federal can mean many things" answered Malhàr "we demand that education, healthcare, public expense, and economic policy-making, be brought back to the Slovak people." "Can your party accept membership in Marslava?" inquired Ms Starikova. "Yes, if those conditions are satisfied". Discussions lasted into the night. The following day, the news spread that a compromise had been found. Marslava was to become a federal state divided in two regions: Czechia and Slovakia. These two regions were to manage the majority of state powers, with Prague remaining in charge only of defense and foreign policy. And the Grand Duke would be from now own Grand Duke of Bohemia and Slovakia. The Independence Bloc would join democratic politics again, and the Slovak people would again adhere to Marslava. Things seemed to get back to normality. The city's garrison got out of its barracks, and together with the Ducal Guard, reinforced the overstretched police. At these news one of the crowds, the one formed to confront the pan-slavists, rejoiced. When the negotiators got out of the Castle, the crowd overwhelmed them. They sang praises of the Grand Duke, who had listened to his subjects and brought about a new and better Slovakia. To the pan-slavists, the situation was quite grim. Now, their crown was confronted by a Ducal Guard regiment. Trained in crown control, and blindly loyal to the throne, these men were a force to be reckoned with. And they had been ordered to make an example out of the panslavists, showing to all that Marslava's democracy was not tolerant with the intolerants. The police and the army stood on the sides, cutting their escape. "Urrah!" screamed the Ducal Guard rithmically. Theirs was not a chant but rather a cold and hostile murmur which grew in intensity and bitterness. While shouting they hit their batons against shield and, when they charged, the panslavists broke and got a bitter taste of their own violence. It seemed for a short while that their movement would be definitely discredited and that Marslava would keep peaceful. However, this was not to be. Vitus, another young panslavist, happened to be in the other crowd that had assembled around the Grand Duke and the Independence Bloc leadership. A young delinquent, he had found his salvation in the pan-slavist cause and served fearlessly the design of his leader - the legendary "Grandafther" that very few had ever seen. For a short while, the crown had overwhelmed the Grand Duke and the Ducal Guards around him had been scattered. The Grand Duke, a fearless and vain man, had not budged and talked to all. Vitus fell in a kind of trance as he approached the sovereign. Slowly, he came to see his joyful face and his eyes full of energy. "Your majesty!" He screamed to the Grand Duke. And he saw that energy fade away from his eyes when he stabbed him with his army knife, with an upward movement, as he had been taught by his pan-slavist comrades. He regretted instantly what he had done, but no one was to know about this. For a second all stood in shock, including Vitus. Then, the crowd directed its anger against the young Vitus, and lynched him. Edited by Alberto, Sep 1 2017, 05:55 AM.
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| Whal | Sep 12 2017, 09:24 PM Post #4 |
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"Life is too short to be wasted on bad scotch"
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Vienna.. If the recent unrest in Slovakia was a fortuitous coincidence for the Austrians, then the assassination of the Grand Duke was a miracle. Truthfully, no one in the Austrian Reichstag, the Archduke's inner circle, perhaps even the Archduke himself, had anticipated the removal of one of Europe's strongest and hitherto most secure leaders at the hands of a mere public mob. Now, the Marslavans had lost their national sovereign; butchered at the hands of his own people and likely contrary to the assassin's motives, the Grand Duke's death would usher in a brand new chapter of suffering and death for his people. What would begin with the chants and yells of Marslavan dissidents would very soon be joined by the distant drum of Austrian field guns and jet engines. Back in Austria, the national state-owned media played a ceaseless stream of live news coverage of the unrest and public service announcements from the Ministry of the Interior. Werner Hoch, the Empire's de facto minister of propaganda, had the time of his life further indoctrinating the Austrian people with tales of brutality and destruction at the hands of the pan-slavists. From the streets of Vienna to the beer halls of Innsbruck, all of Austria and her holdings was abuzz with the infectious dogma of the Adlerites; that racist agenda of the Reichskanzler Jurgen von Pless and his fellow Austro-nationalists who ironically had more in common with their Slavic enemies than they would have liked to admit. Now, more than ever, these two great central European nations stood at the precipice of war. The Archduke, hundreds of miles away and too far removed to impose his will directly, was forced to rely on the resolve of his most trusted advisers to stave off war before the nation was ready. With the member base and clout of the fascists ever growing, Austria's traditionally small aristocratic elite was pushed continuously to back the rhetoric spoken ever so vociferously by the Adlerites. While neither camp doubted the Austrian will to fight, the Archduke was no gambler; a trait which had served him well throughout his life, yet had up until very recently brushed off doubts towards his commitment to the expansion of German heritage and national purity. With the Marslavans appearing now more than ever to be disjointed and the Porcuian Republic having lost its strongest champion, the Archduke's perceived reluctance to send the Reichswehr to war in Bohemia looked increasingly opposed to these most "noble" ideals. In the capital, the Adlerites staged confident and loud demonstrations in the streets. In fact, all across the Empire in cities like Salzburg, Linz, Bregenz, and even Zagreb, nationalists marched together to show fraternity and strength. In Pecs, a tourist family of Russians were accosted by a mob of Adlerite thugs before the local Reichspolizei arrived just in time to save them from a possible lynching. In Vienna, in front of the Hofburg Palace itself, over two thousand local Adlerites gathered in the Heldenplatz and Volksgarten to demand action from the Archduke - the most brazen and outward display of political freedom ever witnessed in the new Austria. They were joined unabashedly by their representatives in the Reichstag, yet not by their patron himself. Jurgen von Pless was a smarter man than to so openly declare his opposition to the sovereign. He knew that the Archduke was not a man to be pushed so easily. Despite his absence, the Archduke's mandate was always enforced and this went without exception. Even while away at the Porcuian capital, the Archduke's will to keep order was enforced by his strongest bastion of control - the Royal Uhlans. Mobilized to "monitor" the situation in Vienna and elsewhere in the Empire, the aristocratic guard made sure the mobs were able to transmit their message, but not incite real unrest. Regardless of the permanence of the eerie peace, select members of the aristocracy completely loyal to the Archduke pulled together and met to organize a response to the growing storm. "This is growing quite bad," Duke Erik von Kassel, Minister of Justice, replied, staring out the window to the chanting crowd. "They never would have displayed so brazenly if His Majesty was still in country." Duke Otto von Treschow, Commander of the Royal Uhlans, groaned in agreement, "It's all von Pless' doing. We should have anticipated he would use that rabble to push for war sooner rather than later." "Can't you do something?" a younger voice interjected, belonging to Count Albert von Boul-Dier. His question was directed at von Treschow. "Why yes, I can, but would you like to explain to His Majesty why his Royal Guard was used to beat down a crowd of patriots?" the Duke of Istria replied coldly. Erik von Kassel balked, "Patriots?! That mob is nothing more than a mindless instrument of Jurgen von Pless." "Well, that is what Werner Hoch will write in his next speech and that is how the majority of our people will see it." The Duke was now methodically banging the scabbard of his saber on the glass. "Well, we have to do something!" von Kassel exclaimed. "Without His Majesty, The Reichskanzler has the final say, but that bastard is more than happy to let those fascist curs force us over the edge." Albert von Bol-Dier spoke up once more, "We need to contact His Majesty. Only he can truly dictate how to proceed. Because if we do not, its only a matter of time before the public takes matters into its own hands. You all know what we need." "Yes, a diversion," von Kassel replied somberly. "A rather detestable solution if I may say so." As if prompted by divine foresight, the conversation was interrupted by a harsh ring from von Treschow's satellite phone. Only two people had the number for the Commander of the Royal Guard's direct personal line; the Archduke and the Crown Prince. In his gut, von Treschow knew if could only be one of them. "Hello, Your Majesty," he replied, holding the phone to his ear. The whole room fell silent as they contemplated what their sovereign's plan was. None of them questioned that he wouldn't have one, yet they weren't completely accustomed to his degree of intuition. He seemed to always know when he was needed and he always arrived exactly at the opportune time. The conversation did not last long. "What did he say?" von Kassel inquired when the satellite phone was turned off. Von Treshcow shook his head and looked out at the crowd. "Gentlemen, we're going to war." Edited by Whal, Sep 12 2017, 11:20 PM.
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| Alberto | Sep 14 2017, 10:17 AM Post #5 |
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Resident Italian
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The Grand Duke Otokar of the Premyslid dynasty had reigned for fifteen years of peace and prosperity. His tact had ensured a smotth functioning of the country's institutions and had made possible democratic politics. Now, at his death, Marslava risked to become prey of its many divisions and conflicts. The divides were many: democrats versus reactionaries, Czechs versus Slovaks, communists versus liberals, the panslavists against everybody else. Otokar had left a five year old child, now the Grand Duke Dusan I, and his wife, Maria Karageorgieva. Maria was a dark-haired and dark-skinned beauty, clever but completely devoid of humour. A Serb from Belgrade's ruling dynasty, she combined a hot temper with decisively reactionary ideas. Now, she felt alone in this world and feared for her son's future. She was right to be afraid, as she constituted an obstacle for both the democrats and the Slovak nationalists. Bratislava Gustav Malhàr had called his assistant Piotr Gabcik to give him instructions. He, and the Slovak nationalists, could live with the compromise hatched together by the Grand Duke. They had no interest in seeing him dead. Quite on the contrary, the sovereign's death now put in danger the concessions hitherto granted: as long as the Grand Duke remained under his mother's influence, he would never give his assent to the federalization of Marslava. Now, new solutions were needed. "Piotr" he started "the situation has changed. And we need to act fast: Slovakia's independence has never been closer. However, we need to act fast or our window of opportunity will be closed forever". "What should we do?" asked the ever-loyal Piotr. "We need to fight on two fronts. You will personally go to Prague to contact Vladislav Clementis, and his government, to offer our cooperation. They need to understand that it is time for them to take control and reduce the throne to where it belongs... the past. We will stand with them as long as they carry out the federalization of Marslava". "Is that all?" asked Piotr. "No" continued Gustav "you told me that some of our men have established contact with the Austrian military. I want to discuss with them our independence." "In other words, you want to support the central government against the throne, and then betray it once ridden of the Grand Duke." interjected Piotr "I imagine that the narodno zhromaždenie should not be informed of this". Before leaving to Prague, Piotr redacted the following laconic message, addressed to Colonel Stieger
He sent a second message, to Prague. Prague, Wallenstein Palace Prague, and the whole country, were deeply shaken by the Grand Duke's death. The parliament had approved a week of mourning, and the people touchingly expressed their solidarity to the Grand Duchess Maria and the little Dusan. Now that Otokar was dead, they realised the importance of what he had accomplished and expressed their gratitude to the throne. In front of the Grand Duke's city residence, Wallenstein Palace, hundreds of crowns of flowers had sprung up, expressing a deep sadness. Yet, Maria knew that some had welcomed her husband's death. The democrats with whom he had been too soft would soon reveal their ungratefulness by seizing power. Maria knew of the prime minister's opinion and had assisted to many conversations between him and Otokar in which Vladislav Clementis pleaded for the Grand Duke to abandon most of his executive powers. Clementis was a honest and good man but Maria had to figure out a way to get rid of him. "Prince Von Koudenberg" she said to the minister of foreign affairs, the only noble in Clementis' government. Von Koudenberg was not a reactionary, nor being of German origin was he a panslavist. However, he was a nobleman and had always been loyal, serving Otokar and his predecessors. Her voice was meek but her glaze commanding "what is happening in the government?". "I do not know much Your Highness" answered the distinguished prince "my fellow ministers suspect me as I am noble. I am told little beyond what concerns foreign affairs. However, as a member of the parliament, I know that Starikova's communists are tabling a motion to slash completely the Ducal Guard's budget. Mrs. Starikova is pressing the parliamentary majority to vote it too". "As they cannot constitutionally abolish it, they defund it" answered thoughtfull the Grand Duchess. If voted by the parliament, such a law would deprive the crown of its greatest rampart - or push it toward a coup d'état. "I do not think that the majority would vote for this" said von Koudenberg "however it is a bargaining chip for Clementis, who can use it to obtain your approval for new reforms... such as the federalisation of Marslava. I know that your Highness is against it, but it is essential that Marslava does not appear divided before the Austrian danger". Maria smiled "You are very wise and considerate. Reform is acceptable... up to a point" then she remembered another point "I would like you to take contact with the Russian and Porcuian governments, to confirm our ties of friendship, and to convince them to take a stance on the Austrian aggressions. Their help will be needed very soon". And then von Koudenberg left. He remained loyal person and a fine diplomat, but was clearly not suited for what lied ahead. Maria's second advisor, on the other hand, was more in tune with these difficult times. General Zivkovic had long ago been the youngest general in Marslava's army. When Marslava became part of the World Military Dominion he headed the WMD's IXth Army and led it to conquer the Baltic Coast. Having become a pariah after the war's end, the Marslavan secret services had used him and his men as mercenaries and proxies in its European conflicts. As a reward, the government had asked no question on his involvement in the WMD's crimes. Now, Maria Karageorgieva had decided he and his men had to "get back from the cold". Zivkovic had come alone, in the late night, avoiding the public gaze. "General Zivkovic" she started "as a reward for your many years of service, my late husband had decided to reinstate you in your old rank of General of Division. Your men too will regain their old rank." Zivkovic did not express his satisfaction yet, he expected that this promotion was not without its price. "I have added another decision to one made by my late husband." continued Maria "you and your men will not join the army, but rather the Ducal Guard. In this capacity, you will be involved in essential - and confidential - business. You and your men will form a special and separate unit answering directly to the Grand Duke. Do I have your agreement?" "Yes, Your Highness" answered Anton Zivkovic. After fifteen long years, he was finally back home. "I have been told that the so-called Slovak National Congress is plotting with the Austrians. They must not be allowed to carry out this betrayal. You and your men must go to Bratislava and decapitate their leadership as soon as possible. The Austrians, however, must not notice". |
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| Porcu | Sep 16 2017, 04:15 PM Post #6 |
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"Work is the curse of the drinking classes."
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The start to Servius Aemilius Cesca's tenure as president was not going well. To begin, he had been elected during a large and violent outbreak of emotion and revolutionary fervor. Moreover, it took nearly a week for the results to be confirmed, and this only underlined the sharp division of the country. Then, the Finnish referendum had gone spectacularly wrong and it remained to be seen whether or not the Republic would put its support behind the Western Finns. Lastly, the long-simmering tension between Marslava and Austria was beginning to boil over and open divisions within Parliament were growing. This did not even include the headache of Melita, which was unbelievably devolving into chaos. To match the political developments the Porcuian denarius had plummeted 24% over the last few months and in a closed-door meeting with the President and the Consuls business executives representing the larger Porcuian business community and Porcuian banks made clear their hesitations to invest and lend. Several economic forecasts predicted sharp contractions in growth in upcoming quarters and already one open letter from academic and professional economists had been forwarded to Parliament imploring that body to take action. Again, the start to President Aemilius Cesca's tenure was not going well. To further complicate matters, a meeting of the Consilium had just concluded and Aemilius Cesca had not been able to secure support for a show of force against the Austrians by moving two Legions to the Continent to help shore up Marslavan defenses. If the President was unable to obtain the support of the Consilium it would be extremely unlikely that he would get approval should he go directly to Parliament. The most that Parliament seemed willing to do at present was declare their support for the Grand Duchy openly and in strong terms. The Austrians had retreated from Harstad and the Loki platforms, so perhaps they could be made to back down again. President Aemilius Cesca certainly hoped so. |
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| NRE | Sep 18 2017, 08:46 PM Post #7 |
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Map Tsar and Southern Gentleman
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The Winter Palace, Saint Petersburg.... A brisk breeze wisped into the open women, sending a small shiver down the aging Emperor's own spine. Seated as his desk in his opulent and ornate study within the Winter Palace, he'd been preoccupied with the latest market reports. Unnerved by the chill he rose from his desk and turned to close the wind. Winter is coming he thought to himself as he latched the window closed. Return to his desk he was almost seated when his aide entered the room, bowed, and then announced that his Imperial Majesty had a visitor. "The Prime Minister has requested an audience with his Imperial Majesty" the aide stated. "See Prime Minister Kondakov in" Ivan stated as he sat behind his desk. A moment later the bloated and robust figure of of Vladimir Kondakov entered the room. Bowing a bit lower and a bit more exaggerated than necessary, the Prime Minister thanked the Emperor for his time. "Of course Vladmir I was just finishing the latest economic reports from Europe." "Ah of course your Imperial Majesty" the Prime Minister returned, "I also read those today over breakfast. I believe our markets will finish fine this quarter. That being said your majesty, I didn't come to speak of the markets but instead of Central Europe..." "Marslava and Austria I take it?" "Indeed your majesty, no doubt your majesty has seen reports over the Grand Duke's death?" "Yes, I did indeed see that intelligence report. It was an unfortunate." "Perhaps but he did put his nation in league with the Republicans..." the Prime Minister stated with contempt. "Be that as it may" Ivan responded, his tone of voice echoing a scolding nature toward Kondakov, "he was a royal of Europe and deserve greater respect and protocol than a mod or rogue assassin." "Of course your majesty, of course. My only reservations with Marslava is that they've placated those damn Republicans in Ariminae. Had the Grand Duke made closer ties with Russia we could have possibly ensure such an assassination would not have happened." "Irregardless, Marslava is an ally despite their choices in friends" Ivan reminded the Prime Minister. "I want us to remain close to this situation." "Of course your majesty, of course....however....what if they ask for our help? What I mean specifically, your majesty, what if they ask for help against Austria? Certainly we've made good relations with the Austrians and they've not given us great cause to mistrust them. Especially what they've done for us in Kursk...and then there is the wedding." "We won't abandon Vienna or Prague" Ivan stated assertively. "Russia will ensure peace in Europe." "An if war is inevitable your majesty?" "Then we will ensure it is not total war" Ivan returned. "Of course majesty, of course your majesty. I will have the foreign ministry express your and the government's condolences in regards to the Grand Duke's death." ________________________________________________________
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| Whal | Sep 21 2017, 11:42 AM Post #8 |
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"Life is too short to be wasted on bad scotch"
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While the world's eyes remained fixed on Marslava and the unrest gripping the nation, the Austrians were diverting a sizable portion of their armed forces to their eastern most province - Hungary. The MSS and other international security services could be forgiven in their incorrect assumptions that such a military build up in the region was a precursor to an Austrian attack on of the Grand Duchy. After all, the Marslavan army still menaced the Austrian garrison in Budapest and it was likely that the Hungarian capital would become the scene of the war's first shots. Despite all the signs pointing to an Austrian invasion however, no bombs fell over the Marslavan homeland. The Archduke was undeniably surprised by the brazen display of the Adlerites back home on Austria's streets; patience, it would seem, was a precious commodity that only Karl von Habsburg possessed. Forced to act or threatened with civil unrest back home in his own country, the Archduke was hard pressed to find a workable solution for the pride and war fervor of his countrymen. War with the Grand Duchy was an unavoidable outcome of Austria's new course; however, the Archduke was determined from day one to conduct it on his own terms. It appeared more and more with each passing day that the outbreak of war would occur outside the parameters deemed acceptable by the Austrian sovereign. Despite this unpleasant realization however, the Archduke was resolved to mitigate the damages to his country as best he could. Principally, this would mean maximizing the manpower pool the Reichswehr could pull into the impending maelstrom of war. At present, the Empire had half the men of the Grand Duchy and that was withholding all the additional reserves their Porcuian allies could eventually bring to the continent. The Archduke could remove the threat from the possibility of the Russian Empire joining the war on the wrong side with his marriage alliance, but this would do little to stem the tide of attrition a protracted conflict would have on the empire’s population – and no one had any doubts that the impending struggle would be anything but a long, hard slog. With a sizeable portion of the home front clamoring for war and a foreseeable manpower shortage on the horizon, the empire had but one solution. Austria needed an immediate and easy annexation of territory. Luckily, a perfect candidate for this endeavor sat not but a mile from the empire’s eastern border. The Kingdom of Romania had stood firm as a bulwark of stability and prosperity in an otherwise tumultuous and impoverished region. The Romanian Dukes had enjoyed a degree of peace relative to their Balkan neighbors and had presided over a ruling noble council that governed their land rather successfully; the resulting cooperation had ensured the Romanian royal forces were effectively led and equipped to defend the autonomy of their state. The system worked marvelously when each cog played its part, yet this symbiosis relied on the wellbeing of the whole over the ambitions of the individual lords. What would happen should the latter revert to a much more basic human emotion? To the Austrians the answer was no more obvious than it was to Vasile Ardelean, the current Duke of Transylvania. A vain and impetuous man, Duke Vasile could no longer hide his true ambitions from his countrymen. He had watched with envious eyes the wealth his country had amassed and looked abroad for allies in his pursuit to take it for his own. City of Sibiu, Transylvania… The Duke’s residence had been abuzz with activity in recent days. The death of the Grand Duke in Marslava had set off a chain reaction that had traveled further than many in the Duchy had ever thought possible. To the Romanians, his death had signified a crushing blow to the peace of the Balkans; a rallying cry to all the insurrectionists in the kingdom that the time to act was now. “You are certain that your armies can reach Sibiu in time to support my men?” Duke Vasile whispered into his satellite phone. “Do not worry about the quickness of our advance, Vasile,” a young, yet authoritarian voice answered in German. “What I would concern myself with most is securing the loyalty of your men. You are certain none of the other nobles are aware of your betrayal?” Vasile looked around cautiously, “Yes, yes, I have paid them well and promised them much. I do hope you Austrians can deliver on your promises, otherwise the unrest in Marslava will begin to look like a tea party in comparison to Romania should things not fall exactly into place.” “Don’t worry about us,” the voice replied. “The Archduke has promised you the governate, you shall be quite taken care off. If I were you, I’d worry more about staying quiet and surviving until the advance.” Vasile gulped, “When should I expect you?” “It won’t be long now. Stay low and make the necessary preparations.” “I shall,” the Romanian nodded. “Don’t forget about me, Stieger.” “Don’t worry,” came the terse reply. Not a second after the line went dark. ___
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| Alberto | Oct 31 2017, 02:43 AM Post #9 |
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Resident Italian
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Parliamentary Assembly, Prague The parliamentary assembly had grown noisier and messier than usual. The communists had finally "struck" by presenting a bill which reduced the Ducal Guard's funding to a minimum fraction of its current level. If passed, the consequence of this law would be the passage of the Ducal Guard's men to the regular army. In the past, the Ducal Guard had always acted as a bastion for the throne. This had some advantages and disadvanteges: on the plus side, the Ducal Guard had rebelled against the World Military Dominion when it was struggling to conquer the whole of Europe, on the minus it had already intervened in the past whenever the throne had grown tired with its "experiments in democracy". Getting rid of it would have surely been a great victory for parliamentarism. Mrs Monica Karlova, a stern and earnest communist MP, started to speak to present her project. She was instantly booed by the pan-slavists and the conservatives. They insulted her in the most disparaging terms, threatening her and her family. This too had become possible in the new Marslava. Surprisingly, the prime minister's social-democrats and the liberals kept silent. "Colleagues" shouted Ms Karlova "our state must be based on a democratic monopoly of the legitimate use of force: all private militias - including the Ducal Guard - are an intolerable exception to the principle of popular sovereignty!". The conservatives shouted at Vladislav Clementis, the prime minister, and the members of the government. "What is the government's position? Are you going to let them do this" they interrogated him. The answer was short. " The government holds no position on this issue" answered the Prime Minister "we will give no indication of vote to the deputies that support the government". For weeks, Clementis had been the man of dialogue: he had tried to find an amicable solution by implementing the federalisation agreement that had been wanted by his friend Grand Duke Otokar. However, these offers had been met with flat rejection by the Regent Maria Karageorgieva. He also knew that she was plotting with the panslavists and now saw that she was a greater danger than the Slovak independentists. The Prince von Koudenberg, member of his government, stared at him with disapproval "You all" he thought looking at the members of government "have done an irreparable damage. We will regret this." Bratislava, a secret location Few hours later Prince von Koudenberg was in Bratislava. Gustav Malhàr, the leader of the Slovak separatists, was to meet him in a secret location. Faced with the panslavist threat and the Grand Duchess' plotting, the central government had decided to implement the federalist compromise bypassing the throne. Marslava was then heading for a major constitutional crisis and the central government needed all the allies it could get. A pleasant villa at the outskirts of Bratislava served as place of reunion. Gustav was triumphant: together with his secreatary, Piotr, he had presented a list of demands which had been entirely accepted. The Prince von Koudenberg, who had exhibited a written authorisation by the Prime Minister to negotiate, had agreed to the fiscal autonomy of Slovakia and to its sweeping powers on education, healthcare, and economic develomment. Yet, his feeling of victory was spoiled by a suspicion that von Koudenberg was hiding something. This suspicion was confirmed on his way back. While crossing a tunnel a truck stopped in front of his escort's front car. Hooded men came from the side and shot his entire security detail. The exchange of shots was short: caught in their cars, Malhàr's security guards were defenceless. Having committed this cold-blooded murder, the hooded men pooled a wounded Malhàr from his car. Pyotr, was badly wounded but still alive. Two cruel eyes gazed at him. Malhàr realized that either the central government had decided to ally with the crown to murder him, or that Orunce von Koudenberg had allied with the crown against both the Slovak separatists and the central government. The cruel eyes expressed amusement and sarcasm, while a high-pitched voice said "Mr Malhàr, you have been demoted: the new leader of the Slovak separatist movement is Lieutenant Pyotr Gobcik of the MSS". Pyotr! His most trusted collaborator was actually a MSS infiltrator, and was going to inherit the leadership of the Slovak Independence Bloc. That was Gustav Malhàr's last thought: he was a separatist, but still a democrat, who had started a game against opponents way more cruel than him. The murder of Gustav Malhàr and his escort were followed by a large-scale crack down on the Independence Bloc's leadership. Hooded rascals attacked, kidnappned and, in some cases, murdered deputies of the Slovak assemblies. Policemen who were cuaght in the middle and tried to accomplish honourably their duty were murdered by these hoodlums who possessed war-weapons and acted disciplinatedly. This large-scale attack was ignored by the army, who continued to remain ambiguously in its barracks. The day after, the central government condemned, maybe sincerely, the attacks and accused the pan-slavists of having organised them. The decapitated Slovak leadership rallied around Pyotr Gabcik, the heroic assistant of Gustav Malhàr, who had survived the attacks by miracle. Pama Three men had arrived in a little house located at the town's outskirts. They were coming with bad news but also with new opportunities. The death of Malhàr had created a real sympathy for the Slovak nationalist cause and a real reaction had started against the pan-slavists. Moreover, the moderates within the nationalist leadership had been sidelined by the events (if they had not been brutally murdered) and now the nationalist armed wing had grown stronger. The nationalist extremists were now in the position to call the shots. In addition, their new leader, Piotr Gabcik, was way more confrontational than Malhàr in his approach to the central government. The three Slovaks spoke fluently German and were to consult with their foreign allies, and hear out their plans for the future. |
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| Whal | Nov 23 2017, 03:32 PM Post #10 |
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"Life is too short to be wasted on bad scotch"
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Austro-Romanian Border.. The Austrian military build up along their border with the Kingdom of Romania finally revealed itself to the international community at 3 AM, November 23rd, 2017 with a tremendous show of strength and tactical organization. The entirety of the 5th Feldarmie had moved from its base in southeast Hungary and divided itself into several smaller strategic attack groups over the border for a gigantic push into the once peaceful Kingdom of Romania. Yet, despite such a whirlwind strike by the Reichswehr, the Austrian invasion went largely unnoticed for several hours by both the international community and the Romanians themselves. For the past week, the Kingdom's well equipped and competently led military was preoccupied with another shocking and determined assault in the south. The recently established Bulgarian Empire had raised its forces and instigated an invasion of its own aimed at staking the young nation's claim as a regional power. While the invasion had made considerable headway in the regions of Wallachia, Oltenia, and Dobregea, more Romanian military forces which had been stationed north to wade off a very real Austrian threat were now being re-purposed south to face the Bulgarian onslaught. The Bulgarians would now face an influx of forces which the Romanian Dukes were praying could stall the attack long enough to sue for peace. Unfortunately, for them their now unguarded northern border was now watched eagerly by the Austrian Archduke. The early morning attack order came to the 5th Feldarmie with a cheer from its enlisted men. Austria's military machine had remained idle too long and social system which constantly toted militarism and national superiority was straining itself for a fight. Bulgaria's invasion only further prodded this war fervor and allowed Austria its greatest strength in the coming battles - legitimacy for its military actions. Indeed, no one in Europe would expect the Austrian Empire to abide by a Bulgarian invasion which threatened its own claims in Transylvania and Banat. The Archduke, always clever and forward-thinking, defended the Austrian military's foray into Romania as a act of national defense and a legal response to its now publicized relationship to the Duke of Transylvania. Duke Vasile Ardelean was ecstatic at the developments despite the Bulgarian Armies menacing the southern portions of his domain. As soon as Austrian military forces crossed the border, he secretly recalled all forces loyal to himself and had them return home from the battlefield. It was a betrayal that cut to the core of the Romanian Kingdom, but their own remaining troops could do nothing to stop him; crushed now from two sides, they could not properly address either invasion. For the remaining Romanian Dukes, the situation now seemed very very dire. In the north, the Austrian military brushed aside the skeleton garrisons at Oradea, Arad, and Timisoara with complete ease. The Romanian forces there were so caught off guard that many didn't even fire their guns at the approaching Austrian soldiers. In the border town of Salonta, Austrian border troops were able to nonchalantly wave over their counterparts on the Romanian side and casually mow them down with mounted machine guns and mortars once the unaware soldiers came into range. The situation wasn't any better elsewhere; Austrian soldiers approaching the city of Satu Mare were greeted by a garrison of sick Romanian troops who promptly surrendered en mass. Large scale surrender was a common sight in the North among Romanian troops who had already heard Austrian propaganda that had guaranteed proper treatment and even promised military assistance against the Bulgarian menace in the south. In fact, the first Austrian troops to enter the allied region of Transylvanian were greeted as liberators and Romanian women and children rushed the military columns with flowers. Once the Austrian military entered allied territory it promptly began to work in tandem with Duke Vasile's men in setting up defenses should the Bulgarians venture north. The Austrians wasted little time in releasing a public statement defending its invasion and declaring its commitment to protect Austrian expats and its Romanian allies.
_______ Pama.. The recent developments inside the Grand Duchy of Marslava did not go unnoticed by the RSD, nor were the murders of Gustav Malhàr and other leading figures in the Slovak resistance met with appreciation in Austria's secret intelligence circles. Now more than ever, many in Vienna were beginning to question the merits of Austria's partnership with the Slovaks. Regardless however, Austria needed inside assistance within the Grand Duchy and it the German and Hungarian minorities were not strong enough on their own to disrupt the Marslavan military preceding an Austrian invasion. For now, the RSD needed to continue its relationship with the Slovaks. Colonel Stieger once again led the Austrian delegation meeting the Slovaks. The RSD men inside the small manor house were no happier to treat with the Slavs again, but they were at least pleased that this time they could converse in German. The arrival of the Slovaks was no less awkward and tense the second time around. Colonel Stieger did not mince words. "The Austrian Empire is not pleased with recent developments, nor are many in the RSD still determined to support your organization. You have failed to increase your membership nor have you continued to increase your attacks against the Marslavan state. In fact, you have shown that you are vulnerable. If you wish to continue to have Austrian support, you will need to either garner more public support for your cause or raise the stakes with your domestic terror campaign. Now, tell me, what do you know of your new leader, this Piotr Gabcik? |
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| TWE | Nov 23 2017, 04:45 PM Post #11 |
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The Watchful Emperor
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Aleksander hearing this didn't take Austria's advance into Romania as a threat but as a chance to further his influence in Romania and Europe, he promised to abide by the promise not to venture further than the boarder of Transylvania but Aleksander will have it known that if Austria attacks Bulgarian held land in Romania a full out war against the Austrian people will inevitable. In terms of being called a menace and aggressor, Aleksander states "Just because someone doesn't let their reasons be known by all of Europe doesn't make them a menace it's what they do to the people their that determines if their a villain or hero. As for the term aggressor Bulgaria accepts this title for we did fire the first shots of war, but so did Austria so this title contradicts with what Austrians are trying to paint in the mind of all Europeans. Aleksandar adopted the idea of painting the idea of a Utopia in Romania occupied lands to battle the propaganda being spread in the North. Romanians now full heartily believe that Aleksandar and Bulgaria as a whole can promise them a new shot at life with the communist ideology of Saladin being taught to Romanian civilians by the troops. As well as the rapid spread of communism the Romanian people now openly accept Bulgarian occupation as troops celebrate each victory against the Romanian military with the civilians and play with the children painting themselves as heroes and saviors of the Romanian people. After awhile not even the Romanian troops wish to fight Bulgaria any more as Aleksandar now favors the act of psychological warfare as communism now has spread upon the military of the enemy and the soldiers find them self fighting for the Bulgarian cause, and splinter groups find themselves now fighting against their previous government. Once the Bulgarian military has settled comfortably in Romanian occupied lands they start the repair process of the lands that had heavy damage dealt to them calling for international help who would be willing to aid in the Bulgarian occupation of South Romanian territory that has been conquered. Aleksandar also finally declares the reason he continued on the act of war against Romania was to protect Marslava's investment in Romania and to give Bulgaria the chance to offer the Romanian people communism and a revolution that will free them from the exploits of capitalism. Bulgaria calls to Austria to offer an alliance which will guarantee neither nations cross the boarder of either nations occupied lands, also Aleksandar wishes to find a solution that could put an end to the rivalry that is going on between Austria and Marslava as this will only cause complication for all three nations as of now and the future. Edited by TWE, Nov 23 2017, 08:41 PM.
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| Porcu | Nov 26 2017, 05:16 PM Post #12 |
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"Work is the curse of the drinking classes."
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The legitimate, democratically elected government of the Republic of Porcu headed by President Servius Aemilius Cesca condemns in the strongest possible terms the violation of the territorial sovereignty of the State of Romania by the Empire of Austria. The Republic does not recognize any political, territorial, or economic claims over Romania or the Romanian people by Austria. The Republic calls upon the international community to join in condemning the Empire of Austria for its brazen, illegal, and aggressive actions against Free Romania. |
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| Alberto | Dec 2 2017, 11:33 AM Post #13 |
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Resident Italian
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The Slovaks were not surprised by the Austrians' remarks. They expected the RSD to be quite, but not fully, informed. The most senior of the three members delegation took the word in a slightly accented Hungarian. He laid on the room's table a copy of the "Vechernie Novosti", the country's foremost Slovak-language newspaper, its first page read in big titles of the kidnapping of Prime Minister Clementis in the centre of Prague. The modest prime minister was under the protection of an escort, which stood no chance against a well set-up ambush similar to the one that had murdered Malhàr. This sufficed under Otokar Ist and his reign of peace, but Otokar now laid dead. "A commando of hooded men who spoke Hungarian has executed the kidnapping of Vladislav Clementis. The central government has set up Malhàr and betrayed his trust and now we have avenged him. The mass media believe that this was a deed of the panslavists or of the Austrian secret services (that is you, he thought, they give you more credit that you actually deserve)." He did not say more. Of course, he could not reveal that the setup was organised thanks to a source in the MSS, a Slovak patriot, who had decided to help his own nation by communicating the exact time, direction and composition of the escort. This confidential source was also communicating extremely important informations about the army's deployments in Budapest and Northern Hungary. "Now that Clementis is dead" said the senior Slovak "a confrontation between the Grand Duchess and the Parliament is likely to take place - Maria Karageorgieva will try to take power for herself. This gives us a window of opportunity to strike... but we need more weapons and your assurance that you will strike once we start our revolt." Prague, the Palace's Gardens In the XVIIth century, the Prince Albert von Wallenstein, one of the religious wars' main butchers, had built the palace currently occupied by the Grand Dukes. At its heart, he placed a large cloister where he planted a miniature wood. He was murdered precisely in that garden at the behest of the Holy Roman Emperor's orders (an Habsburg, it is just a coincidence?), the same man for whom he had murdered everywhere in Germany. This pleasant garden was liked by Maria Karageorgieva as it remembered her of the wilderness in her native Serbia. Here she sat and took her most important decisions. "They have taken Romania" she remarked drily to the Prince von Koudenberg "it is hardly surprising. Annoying, but not surprising" "Costanta is the import hub of Marsoil, it is just a matter of time before the Velikaya pipeline will fall in Austria's hands" said the prince "but Your Highness can turn this to her advantage... Marsoil is concerned and more likely to back you if it sees its assets in danger. They will want us to go to war" "Did you see what happened just today?" asked the Grand Duchess. The Prince did not reply, he knew who stood behind this. "Poor Clementis.... Otokar rightly held him in high esteem... Now the ball is in the Austrians' camp. If the Slovaks convince them to rush into war we will have them where we want. Let's hope that the Archduke takes the bait" The kidnapping had left the central democratic government without a leader and the parliament without an important ally. A new prime minister had to be nominated by the sovereign, but Maria Karageorgieva did not intend to share any power with that parliament. |
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| TWE | Dec 9 2017, 01:40 AM Post #14 |
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The Watchful Emperor
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After the swift defeat of almost if not all military forces in Romania opposed to Emperor Aleksandar, the Royal Family now calls for the annexation of Southern Romania and wishes the world community will recognize the nation as now belonging to Bulgaria. Policies for the School system is the first change in Bulgarian held Romania as Aleksandar declares that leaning Bulgarian be made mandatory for every student in Southern Romania that yet doesn't know the language, Aleksandar is only excluding students who are attending college or university from the mandatory practice but ensures anyone who does take Bulgarian language as a course for four years and passes with an eighty percent "B" or higher will be rewarded with the payment of fifteen percent of their debt paid off by the government. Following the new school regulations Saladinian Communism is know taught in all Bulgarian schools ensuring that if any rebellion were to rise withing his boarders they will have to not only have to fight a physical war against the Royal Family but also a mental one based on ideology. Aleksandar moves on to the the Government abolishing the government system completely and replacing it the the Government that is used by Bulgaria, sadly this comes with the dismissal of every government official in Romania being replaced with new members all belonging to the signal state of party of Saladinian Communism, as to yet again rendering the likability of revolution due to difference in party ideology's unlikely as every official will promote one ideology over newly conquered Bulgarian lands. He also moves his elder male cousin Kristiyan Saladin to Romania to act as the governor of the land as a whole in which he can elect lower positions to cover the varying other administrative divisions of Romania if he so wishes. Following the reconstruction of the Romanian government, Aleksander demands every previous government official of high rank not belonging to the Communist party leave the country with his/her family within a month due to future risks they may hold to the nation. Aleksandar declared this Saturday that "Romania is but the start of Bulgaria's role in Europe as we will make a superpower that no nation will be able to deny, not out of fear but common sense. I will accomplish things our late predecessors the Ottoman Empire only dreamed of and we will do this with the help of allied nations we will not allow the plague of Capitalism and Republicanism to grow as it allows for the ruler ship of a nation to be held by the weak and those of non-noble blood for if God wanted them to rule they would've surely been born of Saladinian blood. And Capitalism allows for the unfair system where the manufacturer and worker is paid less than the one who can sit in their reclining chair all day and think of nothing but drinking tea with all of England. Yes, I do admit we have adopted some Capitalist views but only for the sake of diplomacy and the stability of our great nation but it will never see the heights of what is represented in the America's." he stops to look at the crowd viewing the admiration from his new Romanian citizens especially the poor and less fortunate "Now is the time of change for Bulgaria and all of Europe as a whole as we will shake this planet to it's very core!" Aleksander yells passionately as the crowd picks up and begins chanting at the top of their lungs as they are all now filled with the Emperors sweet elixir "For Bulgaria!, For Emperor Aleksander!, For a new Romania!, For freedom from class!, For Unity!". |
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| Whal | Dec 28 2017, 07:51 PM Post #15 |
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"Life is too short to be wasted on bad scotch"
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Pama... The Austrian colonel grimaced rather overtly, obviously perturbed at the Slovak's plea for greater assistance. You're entire cause is becoming a reckless money pit for the Empire, he thought critically to himself. Yet, never mind his own personally held beliefs, the RSD had tasked Stieger with overseeing this vital mission and seeing to whatever the Slovaks needed.....within reason. It was that simple fact that had stayed the young ambitious officer's hand from taking his gripes up the chain of command. A foolish endeavor surely, but one that Stieger thought would at least ease his conscious about helping these Slavs. "We have not sat idly, I assure you," Stieger stated, finally addressing the man's previous statement. "The Austrian Empire is fully committed to backing the struggle of your people, as well as fellow Hungarians and Germans trapped under the Marslavan boot heel. Your usual shipment of weapons will be delivered as promised in addition to a few added bonuses. You should be pleased to hear that the Reichswehr shall be parting with some of it's heavier ordinance; mortars, anti-tank rifles, guided missile launchers, and laser-targeting hardware shall be supplied in addition to the usual conventional small arms." The Slovak's stone face signaled that this was still somehow not enough. "Weapons are great, but it's your soldiers, tanks, and planes that will tip the scales. What assurances can you give that your forces will invade once the revolt begins?" Colonel Stieger's expression matched his counterpart's grave stare. The Austrians had been privy to the power struggle between Marslava's republican and royal factions even in the days of the Federation, but they had until now been reluctant to support the rising sectarian strife. With the death of the Grand Duke and the growing "softening" of tense relations with Russia, the Austrians were now ready to begin their long-awaited war with their central European neighbor. While the exact military details were to be hidden from the Slovaks, the RSD mission was authorized to relay some useful information. "I can promise you that we will not stand on the sidelines while the Grand Duchess' forces attempt to take control," Stieger replied earnestly. "However, you must also understand, that Austria's decision to intervene militarily rests not with the RSD, but with my sovereign. If these meetings remain fruitful then we can better advise the Archduke on the proper course when the time comes. As a matter of fact, it would behoove you to reveal some intel on when and where you plan to strike?" |
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| Alberto | Feb 19 2018, 11:28 AM Post #16 |
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Resident Italian
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Plzen Volodymir Uzelak had just won the elections by a thin majority. Plzen, had traditionally been divided between the Czechs who had voted for the Communists and the Germans who had voted for the Liberals. In the city, the Germans had taken up a prominent economic role as the key industrialists and enjoyed the alliance of the local aristocracy represented by the von Lichnoswki. But in a surprising move, the Slavic vote had flown to a panslavist candidate – Mr Uzelac. Mr Uzelac was a short and sturdy man, who sported an impressive beard, and had a smooth and warm voice. A shocked journalist was interviewing him. How did he explain this victory, in such an important city? Clearly, answered the newly-elected mayor, the Slavic people is rising against the parasite and traitors who have sold their city to the foreigners. This is just the beginning, he continued: the panslavists’ vision is one of an equal and patriotic society which will root out ancient privilege. What do you mean by ancient privilege? Asked the naive journalist – what do you mean by “root out”? “These noble families” replied an indignant Uzelak “have sucked out our democracy. They still hold on to their key positions, their best land, their privileges and decorations. Elections and parliamentary democracy have not changed this fundamental equality… Take the von Lichnoswki: they hold this city’s best assets and yet Plzen has never been poorer. I would not be surprised if some patriots were to punish them” Are you condoning violence? Asked the journalist. “Of course not. But all must suffer the consequences of their betrayal” said the mayor-elect with a jolly smile. “Who is the panslavists’ leader? What is the identity of “dedushka”? the mayor’s smile disappeared “That I cannot tell. But you shall see: things will change quickly around here”. Slavkovsky Les The mansion of the Von Lichnowski stood in the beautiful woods of Slavkovsky Les, the favourite hunting grounds of the Marslavan aristocracy. The von Lichnoswki were the most progressive members of the country’s nobility: they spoke German and French, participated in the democratic politics and owned important financial assets. Their family had expressed a large number of diplomats, officials and officers. The villa’s beautiful living room now lied in tatters, devastated and pierced by a bomb. Inside, Heinrich and Natalia von Lichnowski had been obliterated by the explosion. Shots on the wall, and the security guards’ bodies showed that a commando had attacked the mansion just afterward. The police had not arrived yet to the scene, and had been preceded by the men of the MIS (the country’s information service). Commissioner Jirzy Jirinovek stood with few men who had surveyed the scene of crime. At the first floor a man had found a note “The Traitors of the Motherland shall be killed like Dogs!”. Panslavists, said Jirinovek to the distressed Albrecht von Lichnoswki, the couple’s eldest son. “But how would they attack a noble house? Us? How could you let such a thing happen?” shouted Albrecht in anger. The commissioner could not answer. The attack had not been sanctioned by the MSS or by the government, he assured: this meant that the Panslavists felt strong enough to attack the aristocracy on its own. “This accident will remain secret for the next twenty-four hours” he said “we will let you and the other von Lichnoswki exact your own private revenge”. Prague The disappearance of Vladislav Clementis had plunged the parliament into chaos. The prince von Koudenberg had taken over, heading a government of transition. However, no date had been fixed for the elections. The parliament was leaderless and its work proceeded tiredly. The parliamentary leaders had already absented themselves from this tired spectacle: their instinct told them to expect events to take a turn for the worse. The few parliamentarians present were then surprised to receive an important communication from the throne. The Grand Duke Dusan, through her mother and regent Maria Karageorgieva, was to address the parliament in order to reach a compromise over the recent constitutional impasse. Dusan, from the wisdom of his six years of age, wanted to restore a loyal cooperation with the country’s institutions: the throne and the parliament were compared to the two wings of a bird – both necessary for it to fly. Monica Karlova, a communist member of parliament, was one of the few who were still faithfully working in the parliamentary committees. She received the communication with trepidation: despite her republican feelings, she hoped that the Grand Duke would have some good sense and roll-back the barbaric events that have been unfolding. Maybe Maria Karageorgieva had realized that the panslavists posed a real threat to Marslava? At the same time, this hope was accompanied by a sense of uneasiness. First the Grand Duke’s death, then the death of Malàr’s and the disappearance of the Slovak national congress, and finally the panslavists violent activities all pointed to the death of the Marslavan parliamentarism. Maybe Maria Karageorgieva wanted all the members of parliament to be gathered in order to carry out her coup d’état? Pama "We plan to strike very soon." said the senior Slovak "the events in Prague are escalating quickly. You will also have heard about Plzen and the rumours of anti-German pogroms there... When Maria Karageorgieva will move, there will be a short phase of chaos in which the Marslavan army will not receive or will receive contradictory orders. At that point, our fighters will seize Pama and Breclav, the two gates to Slovakia. Once this happens we will send you a signal and your troops can move in." "This said" he continued "once we take Pama and Breclav, you will need to intervene: we cannot hold them against the regular army for more than few days. Us and you cannot let the Grand Duchess or the Parliament (whoever will win this confrontation) consolidate its power in Prague." If the Austrian offensive was successful then Bratislava and the entire Slovakia would join in the resistance against the Marslavan monarchy. "Events will escalate quickly" repeated the Slovak "we need to coordinate our actions in order to deliver a real blow against the monarchy. How do you envisage your offensive? Do you foresee an offensive over a narrow, Slovak, front or will your offensive involve also Southern Bohemia?" |
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| Whal | Feb 25 2018, 04:19 PM Post #17 |
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"Life is too short to be wasted on bad scotch"
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Pama.. "The initial assault will be focused across the entirety of the Austro-Marslavan border," Colonel Stieger replied. "While all of the exact details of the operation have not been fully disclosed to me, I can formally acknowledge that several advanced elements of the Kampfen RSD will be conducting commando operations in earnest with your forces' early attacks. Following these, the full might of the Reichswehr's 3rd and 4th Feldarmies will be available for support along the Slovakian front." Stieger was more than a little apprehensive of sharing the Austrian military's strategy with the Slovaks; in truth, no one knew how effective their early operations would be at distracting the Marslavan army or whether or not this particular Slovak could remain out of the clutches of the MSS. Therefore, it was paramount for the Austrian Oberkommando to draft a myriad of initial attack plans for the invasion and an equal amount of contingency plans. Stieger could not know currently which plan the high command would eventually choose, but what he had told the Slovakians was more or less an inevitable part of the main plans. Stieger was also aware of several other facts regarding the Austrian assault, but he was neither willing nor able to inform Austria's new found "allies". "Once the advanced forces of the Reichswehr have penetrated the Austro-Marslavan border," the colonel continued, "it will be imperative that your forces remain behind the main lines to assist the RSD and Gendarmerie in keeping order. After all, it will make transitioning control back over to your forces after Prague's surrender that much easier should your forces already appear as the legitimate agents of law." In reality, the Austrians had no desire to allow a transition of power back to the Slovaks. Unlike in Croatia, Hungary or even Romania, where a strong pro-Austrian or Austrian-aligned movement had erupted preceding the invasion, Slovakia's nationalists were too independent and their dreams of an autonomous Slovak Republic were too ambitious for Vienna to abide. While Zagreb and Budapest had integrated peacefully into the empire and had accepted Austrian "stewardship", the Archduke had guessed correctly that Bratislava would not accept direct annexation into his empire. Therefore, the Slovaks were to follow as their Bosnian and Serbian cousins and lose any form of autonomy. As the lowest class of subject peoples of the Austrian Empire, they would be forced to accept the direct rule of the Austrian Archduke or face the brutality of the Imperial Security Service (RSD). Even more insidious than hiding the Archduke's intentions of annexing Slovakia (and Bohemia, for that matter), was hiding the agenda of the Austrian Iron Eagle Party, which was unquestionably worse. The Adlerite worldview prevented the Austrians from coming as liberators. In reality, they were conquerors; modern day crusaders in the racial war of annihilation the Adlerite leadership had planned against Slavic peoples from inside the empire and eventually across unoccupied Europe. The Slovaks would not only be annexed, they were to be enslaved or eliminated in the wake of a wider German colonization effort. With their paramilitary arm and the powers of the RSD, the Austrian fascists were poised to preside over the complete destruction of Slavic power in Central Europe. It was precisely the threat of these two secrets seeing the light of day that made protecting the delicate relationship so crucial. After all, Austria's main justification for starting the war against Marslava would be "solidarity and fraternity with the oppressed Slovak and German minorities crushed under the pan-slavist boot heel." For the time being, Austria needed its alliance with the nascent Slovak Republic. Stieger quickly changed the conversation, "In regards to your relationship with the German nationalists in the Sudetenland, how will you coordinate your efforts, if at all? Surely, you are aware that they too will rise up when you do. As Austria will support their cause as well, we need to make sure that there will be no problems between you." Edited by Whal, Feb 25 2018, 04:24 PM.
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| Alberto | Mar 4 2018, 04:59 PM Post #18 |
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Resident Italian
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Pama "The Marslavan Germans are loyal subjects of the Grand Duke" answered the Slovak "they enjoy the government's protection against the panslavists and prefer a legal system which enables them to settle disputes without having to fight duels - differently from Austria. There is also a community of Republican Austrians which is quite influential, as you will probably know". Another Slovak added "We do not know of any German resistance network, but things may change if the pogroms effectively take place." "In anyway we have nothing against the Germans: our ambitions are limited to Slovakia. And any German in Slovakia will be given equal civil and political rights" continued the Slovak. His words were as sincere as they were useless in front of the Adlerites' doctrine which had no use for rights and equality. Finally the Slovaks left to supervise the delivery of Austrian weapons to the rebels. Upon the reception of these weapons, the Slovak fighters would wait for the inevitable coup in Prague and the Austrian attack could then begin. "We thank you Colonel Stieger" they said "hopefully next time we will meet in Bratislava". During the same night, the Reichswehr "lost" a load of grenade launchers and mortars, which was "stolen" by Slovak smugglers. All happened under the nose of the border police, which had misteriously received orders to stand down. The Slovaks armed themselves and waited. Plzen Marslava’s foremost industrial city was divided between a German bourgeoisie and a Slavic proletariat. The communists’ failure to deliver radical change had pushed many workers in the panslavist camp. Now the city had elected a panslavist mayor and the city’s wealthy look around with fear. Voices circulated that there would be a pogrom. Those who could were running away. Many others were less lucky or more affectionate to Plzen: they had dismissed these rumors. For centuries the Grand Duke first and then the parliament had guaranteed and respected their rights. Except these were not rumors. Local newspapers decried the murder of a Czech girl by the a wealthy and well-connected German driver who had been acquitted, weapons lost by the city police (alleged to be paid and controlled by the panslavists) had fallen in the hands of hoodlums, and daily manifestations threatened the “Habsburg’s lackeys”. Finally, in Prague, the demotion and house arrest of field-marshal von Schwarzenberger, the country’s foremost ethnic German, had excited the spirits. Volodymir Uzelak, the panslavist mayor, was planning the upcoming events with the fat police chief and a silent army major. “I want the police deployed here, at the exit of the Great Synagogue, to capture and escort the German Jews out of the city…. We need to achieve our objective without casualties, as required from us by Prague” he affirmed “Major can I count on the non-involvement of your troops?”. His question was suddenly interrupted by an aide who ran into the mayor’s studio. “Sir” he shouted “the crowd is murdering the Germans!”. Mr Stirliz, the CEO of Bata notorious for having dismissed hundreds of workers to increase the value of Bata’s actions, had been murdered and now his body was hanging at his factory’s entrance. This death had excited a crowd that attacked and aggressed all those “who looked German”. “What is happening?” inquired the mayor “I have given no order! Who is behind this?” The aide could not answer, and the police chief’s unintelligent gaze looked at the major full of incertitude. “Come” said Uzelak “we need to find out what is happening”. Uzelak met chanting crowds and panslavists militants who thanked him for letting them lash out. It seemed that pan-slavist cadres had joined in the pogrom, convinced that their leadership was behind this. Soon, the catholic cathedral and the great synagogue were burning. At Slavkovsky Les, Albrecht von Lichnowski and his family were listening with attention to the report of one of their men. “It has started” he said with a satisfaction which would have surprised those who knew about his progressive political views “the MSS is sowing chaos in Plzen, the pan-slavists are spread thin and the mayor’s security apparatus has been disrupted…”. He turned to the group of his Serbian hired hands “now go, and bring me back the mayor – alive”. Prague The Grand Duchess Maria Karageorgieva sat lazily below the empty throne. Her guests were the prince von Koudenberg, prime minister and her agent in the parliament, and Gabriel von Trotta, the head of the corporate giant Marsoil. “Freiherr von Trotta” said the Grand Duchess “the oil terminal in Costanta has now been shut and sabotaged. How do you count supplying us with oil?”. Gabriel von Trotta hesitated for a moment in answering “the Whaladyan oil is transiting through Crimea and then the Russian Empire. It is expensive and we will need to borrow in order to withstand the costs… we will need your assistance in order to convince our Russian partners to build a terminal similar to the one we had in Costanta”. “I have ordered to our envoys in Russia and in Quaon to open negotiations for the construction of a new supply line - you shall also be granted our financial assistance as long as you assist us in the upcoming events. Marsoil needs to expand its supply system if we want to triumph over Austria” answered the Grand Duchess. “Once we will be done with Austria the Romanian oil fields will be back in your hands, and Marsoil will be Europe’s foremost oil importer”. As he did his reverence and left for the door, Gabriel von Trotta saw entering an old man wearing a modest uniform – it would have been hard to guess that he was a general of the Ducal Guard. “Congratulations, General Zivkovic” started the Grand Duchess “you have eliminated the Slovak National Congress and imprisoned the Slovak moderate”. Imprisoned or murdered. “The Slovak separatists can now play the role we want them to play in our program”. She took a shiny decoration, the Order of the Motherland of Second Class, and handed it to the bold officer. “I serve the throne” said tiredly Zivkovic. The Grand Duchess continued “I am grateful for your service and will ask you for a last favour. Tomorrow the Parliament will gather to attain a compromise with the throne. You will make sure that no compromise is reached.” |
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| Whal | Mar 11 2018, 01:06 PM Post #19 |
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"Life is too short to be wasted on bad scotch"
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Vienna, Austria.. The outbreak of sectarian violence engulfing Plzen was broadcast day and night inside the Empire. Austrian news outlets, magazines, even online blogs transmitted the gruesome scenes captured by average citizens inside the city to the wider Austrian public with unabashed bias. The Adlerite propaganda machine headed by Minister of Information Werner Hoch spun the web of usual lies and racist dogma - the barbaric Slavs murdering defenseless Germans - yet truthfully the tumultuous situation inside the city did not require a large degree of embellishment. For once, the Austrian propaganda spoke about true atrocities and this somehow only made the Austrian public angrier. What first began as a terrified shock among the empire's German and Austrian population very quickly evolved into a ravenous frenzy of hate and violence that threatened to supersede the troubles inside Plzen. On the streets of the Austrian capital, the violence of the panslavists was echoed ten-fold by their Adlerite counterparts. The Austrian fascists mobilized in their municipal and local headquarters and then took to the streets with propaganda in one hand and crude weapons in the other. Their first targets were Vienna's largest public thoroughfares and spaces; carrying placards and megaphones, the Adlerites marched throughout the city echoing the slogans of their party. "Austria for Austrians!" "One Empire for the German race!" "Banish the Slavic menace!" "Crush the Reds!" These slogans and more were spray painted on buildings and shouted either to cheering onlookers or at terrified victims of the Adlerite agenda. What began as a gargantuan city wide rally soon escalated into a pogrom of all the enemies of the Austrian state; incognito communists, homosexuals, pacifists, gypsies, and particularly Slavs were hunted down and menaced in the most horrendous way possible. Much like the secret police did on a regular basis, the Adlerite mobs scoured each section of the city hunting for communists and Slavs; however unlike their official counterparts, the mobs neglected to wait for the assistance of the RSD's lengthy and extensive bureaucracy to corroborate their victim's "guilt." In the financial district in Donaustadt, a fascist mob seized several executives of a Marslavan international bank and beat them senseless with truncheons and crowbars. In the old city across the opposite banks of the Danube, another larger mob set about tearing Slavs from their homes and forcing them to walk through the streets wearing signs with racist and demeaning slogans. In one particular instance, a young Serbian man was thrown from the roof of his apartment by Adlerite thugs who had found him in bed with a young Austrian woman. As the death toll began to rise, calls to the municipal police station became more and more frequent, but the green-uniformed police simply stood by and watched the carnage unfold. As they had been incorporated into the wider apparatus of the RSD, the Reichspolizei remained in their stations under direct order from the Ministry of the Interior. As much as the State expunged that violence was the result of mobs of hooligans, the RSD took the opportunity the ensuing chaos presented to widen their roundups of "undesirables." Black shirted agents of both the Kriminalpolizei and Grepo* raided hundreds of private homes, offices, and religious organizations to capture supposed communists, homosexuals, and others to "disappear" in the ever widening Austrian concentration camp network. For the first time since its inception, the RSD was now apprehending Slavs unlucky enough to be convicted of crimes and holding them until further notice in Vienna's infamous municipal detention center under the RSD Headquarters. Indeed, the violence had spread so fast and so quickly that the Archduke himself had ordered the 1st Royal Uhlan Division to enter the city and arrest anyone who attempted to lynch or assault their fellow citizens. While this temporarily halted the mob violence, the royal guard were ordered to not interfere with the round ups conducted by the RSD. The secret horror of the RSD would continue into the night. From the lavish living room of his Viennese home, Chancellor Jurgen von Pless stared out toward the city smiling. The events in Plzen could not have come at a more opportune time. The Adlerite leader had been waiting for several months to organize a pogrom of this size, yet had always reasoned that the Archduke would never believe it had happened organically. Now, with the panslavist threat growing too big to ignore and Slavic crowds murdering Germans, von Pless was confident that Karl von Hapsburg would have no other choice but to declare war in defense of national honor. With an apparent smugness he switched on a projector and dialed in to a private conference call. "How are the operations proceeding inside the city?" von Pless inquired of two seated men, one in a green police uniform and the other in the black RSD equivalent. "Excellent, Herr Reichskanzler, the Grepo and Kripo units have apprehended over six hundred communists and other dissidents since the riots began," the RSD man stated proudly. "We project another three hundred by morning." Von Pless nodded approvingly, "Good work, Director," he stated before turning to the Green-uniformed Police Chief. "I presume the mobs have not hindered your efforts to assist nor have your men attempted to interfere with their fun?" "No sir," The Police Chief replied rather sheepishly. "My men have done nothing to hamper the mobs and we are currently waiting for the Kripo to take a few hundred more prisoners off our hands. My only worry is the Royal Guard. They have no orders to interfere, but many of my men are refusing to assist when the Uhlans arrive on scene to clear the mobs away. I worry that this may reflect badly in the press." "Minster Hoch is the Press," von Pless chided the man. "And your men will continue to stand down when the Royal Uhlans undergo crowd control. I shall try to persuade the Archduke to pull back the guards, so our our operations may continue under the radar, so to speak." RSD Director Adolf Feldgebbel interjected, "Sir, I do have a question if you don't mind?" "Not at all, Director. Go on?" "Do you think His Majesty will declare war on the Grand Duchy from these pogroms in Plzen?" "Regrettably no, but should he stand idly by as Panslavist mobs murder Germans he may lose his legitimacy with the people. Whether he believes we are ready or not is no consequence. The people already clamor for war." "And what of Slovakia?" the Director pressed. "Are we truly to wait for those bastards to solidify their position?" Von Pless soon became much quieter. "Herr Strunk, good work today. You may leave us." The Police Chief nodded meekly, understanding his role in the conversation had come to end. He thanked the Chancellor and left. "I wouldn't put any stock in the Slovakian plan," the Chancellor replied once it was only the two of them. "I've already talked the Archduke into allowing the RSD to insert several advanced operations inside Marslava preceding the invasion. Officially, their mission will be to conduct sabotage to disrupt the Marslavan army, yet in truth they have another purpose. When the Slovakians fail, I have ordered them to stage an assault on one of our border installations. Dressed as Panslavist militants they will orchestrate the first shots of the war and the Archduke will have no choice. We have waited far too long for this war and I will not allow us to wait any longer." The Director chucked audibly. "That should do the trick." "It will have too," von Pless replied himself smiling. "Now, don't you have work to do?" "Yes, indeed, sir. May Austria Forever Prosper!" He finished with a salute. Von Pless saluted and signed off. The winds of war were blowing stronger now. The Chancellor eagerly awaited the arrival of the maelstrom. ____ *Geheime Reichspolizei - aka "Grepo" is the civil branch of the RSD which handles matters of intelligence and counter-intellegence Edited by Whal, Mar 11 2018, 01:07 PM.
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| Alberto | Mar 19 2018, 08:48 AM Post #20 |
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Resident Italian
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OOC: It is always a pleasure to read you, Whal. Bratislava The pogroms shocked the majority of Marslavans. The achievements of the Marslavan Germans were evident to all, as was their patriotism: differently from the Slovaks, there was no German separatist movement. However, the immobility of the government – no one had been punished for this – made them understand that times had changed. An ideology analogous to Adlerism was arising among the Slavs: the Panslavists were too primitive to replicate the elaborate Austrian system of gulags but it was a matter of time before they would take their cue from Vienna. It is actually not true that there had been no punishment: Plzen’s mayor had been found, hanged to a lampoon in the city park. The message for the Panslavists was clear: they could kill Germans, they could rule cities and make propaganda, but they could not touch the aristocracy. And over the next weeks, the socialist wing of the Panslavist movement was silenced. This was the order of Deda, the mysterious leader of all panslavists. In Bratislava, where the panslavists were not strong, the news was met with disbelief. The Slovaks could not believe that the only European democracy beside Porcu (and see how Porcu was doing now!) had fallen to such depths of barbarity. This strengthened the resolve of the Slovak separatists to get their way. Tomas Gabcik, the young leader of the Slovak nationalists, had definitely opted for the violent way. Ideally, an insurrection by Slovak fighters would take over Bratislava and the Slovako-Austrian border, enabling the Slovaks to usher a new war between Marslava and Austria. Except that, Tomas Gabcik was actually an agent of the MSS, and that the Slovak revolt was meant to draw the Austrian offensive in a pre-determined path. He was to do a most patriotic act: betray his country to save it, in a certain sense. Gabcik had been solicited to meet his MSS handler. In the very early morning (or very late night) he walked calmly toward a motel in the Bratislavan ring. The place was squalid, frequented by truck drivers and prostitutes, and smelling of bad coffee. Gabcik left his little escort at the entrance. Officially, he had come to discuss with a corrupt member of the army staff who had access to sensitive information. It was not the first time that the MSS handler had given information to the Slovak nationalists, and this meeting did not surprise his people. “How are you feeling?” asked a little bald man, the handler, with a paternal voice. “Sleepless” answered Gabcik “we have just received a cargo of weapons from Austria – Marslavan weapons captured from the Serbians in Belgrade. Our fighters are getting ready for the planned assault”. The small man interrupted him, with a kind expression. “We will have to revise this plan” he said. “I cannot abort this operation” said Gabcik “the fighters would eat me up after all I put them through”. “No no, on the contrary” smiled the little men “you must anticipate your assault. The central government wants to reinforce the border in three days’ time: you must strike within the next 48 hours, at latest. Otherwise you will be facing two divisions of the Ducal Guard”. They had to anticipate their attack, against all plans and previsions. “You want to keep the initiative on your side?” asked Gabcik. “Yes, we need you to be the only open path for Austria: I suspect they are preparing something else and we need to surprise them”. “Understood” answered Gabcik. He got up and left. His handler had paid for his tea. His escort waited for him outside, they were smoking while looking at the Ukrainian women who stood every night on the streets. “Robert” he said to the head of the escort “we have new information about the enemy’s movements, two divisions of the Ducal Guard are supposed to reinforce the border… we need to attack sooner if we want to gain the advantage”. Robert grasped the importance of this information “When?”. The day after-tomorrow, answered the leader. There was no time to consult with all the local leaders. “Robert” he said “you and I will go to Pama. It’s the door to Marslava and we will open it, the others will follow.” He knew that the attack on Pama would be successful: if the Slovak fighters and the Austrian weapons were not enough, the MSS would step in. Prague The horror had happened. An armed insurrection had taken hold: Pama and other border towns had fallen in a night raid done by the Slovak Independence Army (or SIA). The little forces deployed in Pama (hadn’t there been order to reinforce Pama long ago?) had been surprised and forced to flee by few hundreds of fighters. They had covered themselves with shame and would be court-martialed. Bratislava too had followed the example of Pama and right now the army was fighting a street-to-street battle to oust the rebels. Reinforcements were directed to Bratislava, but the fighting would continue for few more days. In Prague, crowds of angry Czechs expressed their outrage, while it was unclear how many Slovaks actually supported the independentists. The Panslavists expressed their grief and anger: the Slovaks had betrayed the holy compact uniting all Slavs. Today, the parliament was supposed to gather before the Grand Duke. And the Ducal Guard was meant to surround the parliament and arrest everyone. Now, the game had changed: the Grand Duchess’ plan was predicated on first defeating the democrats and then attracting Austria into the Slovak trap. Things had not gone this way, and someone had seriously, oh so seriously, messed up. Now Maria Karageorgieva’s coup had become way more difficult and potentially fatal. The gardens of the von Wallenstein palace were as quiet as ever, and the sun was shining in a beautiful day of spring. Maria Karageorgieva shivered. Someone had disobeyed her and started this insurrection in advance: vast forces in the Marslavan state escaped her control. She was greeted by Zivkovic, who respectfully bowed. “We wait for your orders”. The Grand Duchess answered, annoyed “stand down, we will have to deal with the parliament later…” And she went to the parliament, to defend and implement a plan of pacification in which she did not believe. The Marslavan parliament was in ebullition. Under Otokar I, the Grand Duke interfered very rarely with its work: the defunct sovereign had never set his foot in the parliament, instead preferring to influence its work through moral suasion. Now Dusan Premyslid Karageorgievic, the first of his name, and aged five, would lay down a comprehensive compromise with the parliament. All the Grand Duchy’s notables were there, including industrial magnates and members of the foremost noble houses. The small Dusan had the dark hair and blue eyes of his mother and the calm demeanor of his father. All the parliamentarians stood up when he entered and too place on a throne hastily installed at the assembly’s epicenter. All except the communists made a slight bow as he passed through. The president of the assembly, an old conservative, bowed with adoration at the child while looking worried at the stern mother. Maria Karageorgieva sat just next to the throne. The usual formulas of respect were exchanged and the Grand Duchess stayed silent until the president of the assembly gave the floor to the Sovereign. “Speaker Marosz” she started “members of the parliament, your lordships. I come here to propose you to save together our wounded motherland. Parliament and Throne must end together this insurrection or Marslava shall perish”. And while speaking she proposed the creation of a government of national salvation including the whole constitutional arch, from the communists to the conservatives. She proposed a discussion on federalism along the lines suggested by Otokar and Malàr longtime ago. She required the parliament to suspend all attempts to cut down the Ducal Guard. The parliamentarians sat. Their surprise became satisfaction as they realized that their position was strengthened: the Grand Duchess was now forced to compose with them. While speaking all her thoughts went to the revolt: who had disobeyed her? Who had forced her to compromise with the parliament? |
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| Whal | Jun 4 2018, 10:02 AM Post #21 |
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"Life is too short to be wasted on bad scotch"
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OOC: Thanks Mar, that's really means a lot. Also, so sorry for my delay. With my dog dying, moving, and getting a new job, its been a busy couple of months for me. IC: The next day's dawn brought only more good news for the Austrian Adlerites. The troubles in Marslava had at first only brought the Austrian fascists with an excuse to further terrorize their opponents within the confines of the Empire's borders; the eruption of the Slovakian independence movement however, would provide the Adlerites the final catalyst for their long sought after conflict with their most bitter rival. While the Adlerite leadership had no intentions of actually supporting the independence of the Slovaks from the Grand Duchy (why only delay another war?), their movement's pleas for help from their Germanic neighbor would not go unanswered. The RSD had supplied the Slovaks' with all the modern military equipment needed to combat a first-rate world power, yet even these techno-marvels alone could not defeat the Marslavan army in the field. The Slovaks had courage and a strong desire to fight, yet they had no air or armored support, nor did they posses the logistics to rapidly supply and refit their multitudes of fighters. No, this type of military support could only come from another first-world military power; yet, where was the large scale sweeping attack the Archduke had promised them? In truth, the Archduke was no greater friend to the movement than the agents of the RSD the Slovak leadership had been dealing with. Vienna had watched the Slovakian uprising take root and had done everything possible to assure the rebels would be successful in their initial assault, but the Austrians had yet to commit a single division of their own to the fight. To the Slovaks, this was a worrying decision surely, but to the MSS it was much more frustrating. Had the Austrian's figured out their plan? This was unlikely, as the MSS was quite adept at hiding its tracks and the RSD was none the wiser to the link between Gabcik and his country's security service. Perhaps, the Austrian Empire had lost its stomach to fight? This was even more preposterous. The Reichswehr was eternally ready to fight as it had been doing so successfully for over 4 years now. Now, swelled with additional manpower reserves from Romania and enticed by the atrocities in Bohemia, the Empire's veteran soldiers were prepared and eager to reclaim the rest of their perceived homeland from the Slavic menace. Karl von Habsburg was not so easily enticed. Though his heart burned with the desire to unite the empire, he brooded on the exact perfect time to strike. With the patience and cunning that had made him famous the world over, the Austrian monarch would wait until the the Marslavans were as stretched thin and exhausted as possible before he would unleash his nation's might upon them. Meanwhile, in Marslava, the movement's initial attacks had been quite successful; they had secured over 80% of the border towns and junctions on the Slovakian-Austrian border as well as almost wrestled control over the capital of Bratislava. Unfortunately for the separatists however, a surprise attack is only its most effective during the first stages of its execution. Once the enemy has time to organize its forces and prepare for an offensive of their own, the momentum of battle has switched and the attackers must now manage to hold their hard won gains. Like an assassin in a back alley, the Slovaks had stabbed their larger and unsuspecting target in the back, but their adversary was still standing and would certainly hit back. While the Archduke was famous for his patience, Chancellor Jurgen von Pless was the opposite. Brash, bold, and unrelenting, the leader of the Adlerites had waited long enough for his sovereign to order the Reichwehr to war. If Karl needed more of a reason to declare war on the Grand Duchy, then von Pless was happy to oblige him. Kittsee, Austria.. The tiny town of Kittsee sat not twenty minutes from the border between Austria and Marslava. The once picturesque village had been a favorite secret lounging spot for Austrian nobles, yet its charming lakes and forests were now home to concrete bunkers, razor wire, and a sizable garrison of soldiers from the RSD's 1st Kampfen Grenadier Division Kaiser. From the Austrian side of the border, the sounds of organized gunfire across the fences were a not too distant reminder of the uprising's presence in that particular quadrant. Shortly after 1 AM, the Austrian border guards were approached carefully by several armed men in civilian clothing. While the guards had been on edge most of the night, their RSD associates had told them to expect such a visit. With slightly raised weapons and suspicious gazes, the half-dozen armed fighters were ushered through the gates to the Austrian side. Waiting patiently to meet them was Colonel Stieger and about a dozen other uniformed RSD men. They met the Slovak's under the heavy dim of search lights and shook hands. Colonel Stieger asked politely if the men had brought the equipment the RSD had asked them for. Nodding, the leader of the Slovaks motioned for his men to open several crates and unwrap their contents - Marslavan standard issue uniforms. The RSD soldiers then removed several standard issue Reichswehr uniforms from the back of a truck. Stieger smiled and gazed backwards towards a handful of shackled and haggard looking individuals. Even the Slovakians knew political prisoners when they saw them. With a stern order, the political prisoners were told to undress from their prison rags and don the uniforms placed at their feet. Some of the men nervously began to undress, but others stood stupefied at the uniforms. Stieger did not yell, but calmly explained to the men that they would be photographed in them and nothing more. He even explained that they would be given a hot meal and their sentences would be commuted by several years for their willing compliance for their help in the deed. This was all they men needed to hear and they now more eagerly put on the uniforms. The Slovaks then watched as the RSD soldiers ordered the men to position themselves in various places - "Marslavans" in front of the gate and "Austrians" at their designated posts. Before a single bead of sweat fell from the prisoners' collective brows, the canopy to the truck on the Austrian side was removed to reveal a mounted heavy machine gun. In an instant, the gun erupted in several short concentrated bursts that mowed down the unsuspecting "Marslavans." The "Austrians" looked in horror at the machine gun which now swiveled and pointed at them. "RUN!" Colonel Stieger yelled, a slight tinge of pleasure in his tone. Many of the remaining prisoners attempted to take off in the direction of home, not realizing that this was precisely the direction the RSD had desired they go. The steady burping of the machine gun started up again as they fleeing prisoners were mowed down. Once the fire had died down, the RSD walked about the blood soaked ground and finished off any of the survivors with a head-shot from their assorted small-arms. Careful diligence was done to disfigure the bodies as to render them unrecognizable apart from their clearly marked uniforms. A civilian clothed photographer from the Ministry of Information then went about snapping photos of the carnage. Turning to the Slovak's, Stieger thanked them for their help and bid them farewell. Promises that the "full fury of the Austrian Empire would be unleashed" seemed to delight the otherwise wary Slovak fighters. As the they left hurriedly, the Slovaks watched as the RSD soldiers cracked open bottles of champagne and began copiously drinking. --- Vienna, Austria... News of the heinous Marslavan assault on the Kittsee Border Station was quickly broadcast across the empire. It was but one of a string of over two dozen similar "assaults" perpetrated by the Marslavan army, MSS, and communist sympathizers across the Austro-Marslavan border. Throughout the night and into the early morning, Austrian media outlets played "testimonies" from survivors of the attacks and outlined how the enemy might have pulled them off. Paramount in every discussion of the assaults was what the Archduke would do next. If ever the country cried for war, it was most fervent in its desire now. Left with little room to maneuver around it, Karl von Habsburg finally conceded to the inevitable. At 3 AM, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs sent an ultimatum to the Grand Duchy of Marslava.
It was a series of demands the Archduke and the RSD knew the Marslavans could and would not abide by. Therefore, for good measure, the Austrians prepared four full Feldarmies for the inevitable assault on the Grand Duchy. Edited by Whal, Jun 4 2018, 10:06 AM.
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| Alberto | Jun 28 2018, 11:11 AM Post #22 |
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Resident Italian
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The official communiqué issued by the Austrian Empire went unanswered by the Grand Duchy of Marslava, which contented itself with deciding a general mobilisation while waiting for the enemy's next move. The Austrian ultimatum created shockwaves in Marslava and was welcomed with surprise by the public, who knew little of the RSD's and the MSS' power games. However, the "establishment" was not surprised and even welcomed the news with relief: one could not be afraid of escalation with Austria once war had actually broken out! As soon as the ultimatum was issued, the establishment put aside its internal conflicts: the parliament voted unanimously the conferral of war powers to the executive, the Grand Duchess accepted to put aside her anti-parliamentary schemes for the time being, the panslavists' disorders were halted. Desperate calls were made by the Throne, political parties, the Hussite Church and the media for interethnic peace and accord. Those most obviously involved in the Plzen pogroms were arrested and the ethnic German general von Schwarzenberger was reinstated in his rank and command. Marslava enjoyed superiority in terms of manpwer and industrial capacity (the Sudetenland was one of Europe's earliest industrial regions). However, this superiority would take some time to weigh as the millions of persons who were mobilised had to be organised and assigned to their roles. In the meantime, the Habsburg monarchy enjoyed a relative superiority in terms of immediately available forces. The Slovakian insurgency did not facilitate at all the defense of Marslava. For the time being, the Marslavan Theater was divided in three fronts. Bohemia was commanded from Brno by the re-instated general von Schwarzenberg, was well-fortified and unscathed by the rebellion. Slovakia, commanded by general Zivkovic, was a mess that had descended in a civil war. Finally, the Hungarian sector was commanded from Budapest by general Zdenek of the Ducal Guard and had to deal with the Austrian occupying forces in Hungary. The Marslavan commanders reasoned that the Austrian forces would try to circumvent the consolidated Bohemian front by attacking the disordered and open Slovakia. The proximity of Bratislava to Vienna compounded this certainty. In any way, a staged retreat from Budapest would be necessary in order to avoid that the Austrian offensive cut the Marslavan forces into two. Brno, in the night. The Grand Duchess Maria Premyslid-Karageorgieva knew nothing of war - even less did the six-years old Dusan I Premyslid, Grand Duke of Marslava. That is why she had delegated its command to von Schwarzenberg as the head of the generalny shtab (or GS). Four men met in a bahaus villa at the outskirts of the industrial city. The blue uniforms of von Schwarzenberg, Zivkovic, and Zdenek contrasted with the gray civilian suit of a fourth, younger, man. As the senior within this group von Schwarzenberg had initiated the discussion. “In our current position, it is not the inviolability of our borders that should matter but the destruction of the enemy armies. We believe that the triangle between Bratislava, Kuty and Senica, which are not fully under our control, will endure the bulk of the enemy attack.” He continued: “we need to wear down the enemy and retain him in this triangle for long enough before our counteroffensive can start: this means that we will and must give up some ground, including Stupava and Lozorno.” “And Hungary?” asked Zdenec “that is where the enemy enjoys a most important superiority.” “Yes” conceded von Schwarzenberg “that is precisely why I said that territory does not matter. Holding Budapest may be unaffordable: you must prepare a staged withdrawal therefrom.” “As I see it” added Zivkovic “the decisive location is Bratislava. We can allow the enemy to get through in Hungary and Slovakia, but cannot let him win that location. If we hold the Austrians between Bohemia and Bratislava, then we will be able to counterattack most easily once we will be able to put into play our numerical superiority”. “So we are coerced into playing a purely defensive game?” asked Zdenek. No, they were not and that was where the fourth man, the “civilian”, was there for. “This gentleman” pointed von Schwarzenberg “is from the MSS and will explain us what we can do to assist his, ahem, honorable directorate” Just few weeks before the MSS had obtained the arrest of von Schwarzenberg; now by order of the Grand Duchess it had to coordinate with him its actions. It is a task which the man in the gray suit most graciously did. “While in Croatia and Slovenia the Austrian Empire enjoys a certain consensus, Bosnia and Serbia are still the scene of a horrible carnage and of real discontent. There is a partisan movement formed by Bosnians and Serbs and active in the Balkan mountains. However the partisans are divided and struggling to resist against the Austrian army. We already have a representative among those admirable fighters and would like your authorization to upgrade our assistance to them – I am talking about the supplying of training, weapons and even men to assist them”. As of now, there was little the Marslavan forces could do except bracing for the Austrian offensive. They were on the defensive everywhere. However, time was on their side: the Austrian forces needed to break immediately through Slovakia and Hungary or Maslava’s numerical advantages would frustrate their ambitious goals. |
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| Whal | Jun 29 2018, 12:53 PM Post #23 |
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"Life is too short to be wasted on bad scotch"
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The Austrians waited until the very last second of their ultimatum's deadline before officially releasing the declaration of war. The Archduke had demanded no less, yet no one inside the empire had any inclinations that war would not be soon upon them. If there were any optimists left inside authoritarian Austria (apart from the dwindling domestic resistance), their dreams were quickly stifled by the air raid sirens that blared loudly and proudly from every city square in the empire. The Reichswehr wasted little time in greasing the gears of war. Even as the Archduke had issued the ultimatum, the Oberkommando had begun to refit and replace six full Austrian Feldarmies for the task of striking against Marslava. In total, this was a combined strength of approximately 900,000 men. Much as the Marslavans had predicted, the Austrian invasion would be split into three main waves each separated into an army group. Army Group North, composed of the 1st and 2nd Feldarmies, was led by Field Marshal Erwin von Papen whose task would be to halt any assaults by the Grand Duchy from Bohemia. The largest force, Army Group Centre, was comprised of the 5th and 6th Feldarmies and its commander, Field Marshal Ludwig Eichenwald would be tasked with cracking open the weakest point in the enemy's defenses - Slovakia. Finally, Army Group South, comprised of the 9th and 10th Feldarmies was led by Field Marshal Friedrich von Wachtel and would be tasked with securing Hungary and holding it against inevitable Marslavan counterattacks. The announcement that the empire was going to war with its most bitter rival was met with a fervor that most authoritarian leaders could only dream of. The years of indoctrination by Minister Werner Hoch and the Ministry of Information had all but dehumanized the Marslavan enemy; indeed, even Austrians who had supported the Marslavan regime in the past days of the Federation now clamored for revenge against the supposed sneak attacks. Not surprisingly, recruitment figures for the Reichswehr and Kampfen RSD displayed a dramatic rise in enlistments following the declaration. The maelstrom had finally arrived and it became apparent to all that it would be a long and destructive storm. The attitude in the Hofburg Palace was not too far off from the streets of Vienna or elsewhere in the empire. For once, the majority of both the royalists and the Adlerite fascists appeared to have aligned goals and opinions. That the Adlerites had initiated the first shots in the conflict was still unknown to all but its primary architects; however the possibility that this catalyst was a false flag operation mattered very little to either side. In reality, Austria and Marslava had been at each other's throats since the coup and both would come to blows sooner rather than later. Karl von Habsburg, while somewhat relieved, was still wary about a protracted conflict. He deigned to do everything in his power to get Austrian troops into Prague before the Marslavan industry and manpower reserves could swallow up his smaller yet expertly led and experienced army. From his lavish wing in the Hofburg Palace, he poured over the latest reports from the front. The great central European war had begun. Budapest, Hungary The first shots of the war were fired, perhaps unsurprisingly, in the dense urban streets of Budapest. The Austrians had shared an uneasy cohabitation with the Marslavans ever since the two had wrestled control of the Hungarian capital away from Hungarian nationalists several years ago. Austria and Marslava were allies then, yet the morning of June 29th saw the last shred of camaraderie between the Reichswehr and the Marslavan Army ripped apart by the thunderous symphony of Austrian howitzers and low-flying attack aircraft. The Marslavan garrison knew an assault in Budapest was coming and they had prepared for it for almost 3 years; however the problems posed by the Slovakian uprising had not only affected Bratislava. A large portion of Slovak troops were stationed in Hungary and their willingness to fight was perhaps slightly hampered by the struggles of their brothers in Bratislava. The result was trouble for the Marslavan garrison. The Austrian side of the Danube erupted in lights shortly after 4 AM- several hours before the public would become aware of the formal declaration. A fierce cannonade of 150mm howitzer fire blanketed the Budapest front while more concentrated mortar strikes hit key Marslavan positions in an effort to soften them for the following ground assault. In the city itself, the Austrian assault was spearheaded by the elite, but yet untested men of the 5th and 6th Kampfen RSD divisions. Indoctrinated in Adlerite racism, these paramilitary soldiers fought with a ferocious fervor and began to slowly push into the Marslavan defenses. They were supported by several regular Grenadier divisions from the Reichswehr, as well as their accompanying tanks and light vehicles. By the end of the first day, Austrian forces had managed to cross the river and make several blocs of penetration into Marslavan held territory. Initial Austrian casualties in the Budapest push were consistent, but acceptable, yet Field Marshal von Wachtel remained cautious. His men had yet to come against the elite Marslavan Ducal Guard who were still presumable kept in reserve. Outside Budapest and in the surrounding countryside, the Austrians also struck decisively against Marslavan defenses. These troops had been dug in and had threatened Austria's own garrison in Budapest since the Archduke took power. Sensing the threat, von Wachtel was determined to negate them from encircling and destroying his troops inside the city. Aided by sympathetic civilians, the Austrian ground forces were able to direct the Luftwaffe to strike at hidden gun emplacements and armored columns. These brazen airstrikes greatly hampered the Marslavan army from adeptly halting the assaults on their forces surrounding the city. In the first hours of fighting, the Luftwaffe lost only 6 planes and destroyed about five times that many enemy vehicles. Ground force losses were also manageable at around 850 KIA, yet that number would certainly rise should the Marslavans manage to consolidate their defenses. If the Reichswehr continued at their current pace, the Oberkommando reasoned it could capture the city in 3 days and completely wrestle control of northern Hungary in little over a week. Austro-Slovakian Border.. If the assault in Budapest seemed like a large endeavor, the Austrian invasion of Slovakia was titanic. All across the 90 kilometer border, Marslavan garrisons who were sprawling to prepare for an Austrian invasion were awash with artillery strikes and close air-support from Austrian guns and aircraft. The Marslavan soldiers who huddled closely together in their bunkers and trenches peered out to see a dust cloud several hundreds of feet tall and twice that in width. Binoculars could make out the cause - Austrian tanks; hundreds of them barreling forward through the brief no-man's land that separated the two nations. Marslavan artillery opened up on them with their own ferociousness, but there were simply too many to halt with artillery alone. Within minutes, the entire border was ablaze with fire and smoke as the Austrian blitzkrieg assault smashed against the Marslavan defensive wall. Several miles away, citizens of both Vienna and Bratislava could hear the carnage loud and clear. The Viennese cheered in support of their countrymen, while the sounds in Bratislava were fiercely polarized. Czech and German citizens and soldiers alike fought with bitter determination against the Slovakian insurgents in frenzy to overtake them and re-enforce their comrades, while the Slovaks bellowed their war-cries as they fought on to free their city of the hated Marslavan "occupiers." Ignorant of the Reichswehrs plans for their uprising, the insurgents continued their brave fight in the city streets hoping their Austrian allies would arrive sooner rather than later. Back at the border, Field Marshal Eichenwald's Army Group Center was slowly penetrating the Marslavan defenses. The Austrian 5th and 6th Panzer divisions had taken considerable losses from land-mines and anti-tank fire, but fortunately for them the Luftwaffe had kept the skies above them relatively safe and was now striking ground targets more frequently. Supported by their accompanying Panzergrendiers, the tanks were getting through and in several sectors penetrations were threatening to collapse a large portion of the Marslavan front line. By midday, in the southern border towns of Rusovce and Cunovo, the Austrians had already successfully secured their first true Marslavan possessions. Due to the quickness of the Austrian assault, the citizens there had failed to be properly evacuated and would be the first Marslavans to fall under Austrian occupation. In true draconian fashion, a curfew was enacted with orders to shoot any civilian who attempted to flee the town. As the day’s fighting wound down and the day turned to night, the Austrians had already executed 12 civilians. By the time the sun set and darkness began to shroud the elongated battlefield, the Austrians halted their advance and began to consolidate their holdings. In the first day of the fighting, the Austrians had seized over 70% the border towns from Sekule in the north to Cunovo to the south. Such gains did not come without a price however and losses were estimated at around 1,200 casualties. The next days' fighting would be centered upon securing the towns around Bratislava and cutting it off from resupply. From the success of the invasion so far, the Austrians were confident that they could accomplish this task by the end of the following week. Edited by Whal, Jun 29 2018, 12:55 PM.
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| Porcu | Jun 30 2018, 08:57 AM Post #24 |
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"Work is the curse of the drinking classes."
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Edited by Porcu, Jun 30 2018, 07:30 PM.
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11:32 AM Jul 13