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Under the Falcon's Wing
Topic Started: Sep 26 2014, 12:00 AM (547 Views)
Whal
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"Life is too short to be wasted on bad scotch"
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"My first impressions? Well, quite charming actually. Miles upon miles of beautiful 18th century granite buildings bustling with happy and shining faces. Little girls with ribbons in their hair. Little boys with toy airplanes and plastic soldiers. If there was poverty, I never saw it. It was heaven and everywhere you went, everywhere was music, theater, and the shining lights of a people of refinement and culture...."

- Account of Margaret Greene, a North American living in Habsburg Austria, 2014


For many looking into the new Austria at first glance, the rise of Karl von Habsburg II and his empire was quite possibly the best thing for a people so crippled by unemployment and stagnant economic growth. From April 2014 to the present, many onlookers abroad watched with curiosity and envy as the new regime brought not total collapse, but blossoming prosperity for the Austrian people. Karl II's regime had promised a national revival, and they boasted an impressive wealth of popular support.

If you were an Austrian living under the new government, chances are you had been swept up in the national euphoria surrounding Karl II and his visions of a "New Austria." Austria was immersed in a personality cult unrivaled in the country's long history; mesmerized and enthralled, body and mind, with their leader and sovereign. The regime urged average Austrians to put their differences aside, to rally behind the Archduke, and to trust in the glorious future of the nation - a future rapidly becoming one filled with prosperity, culture, security, and "the good life." To many, it seemed as if the Archduke could do no wrong.

For anyone living outside Austria or her territorial holdings, the undying devotion and love average Austrians expressed in reference to their leader would seem quite strange; indeed, many other similar European monarchs likely coveted the admiration for which virtually all Austrians held openly for Karl II. Looking in, an outsider might view such undivided devotion as outright worship or even religious fanaticism; however when one asked an average Austrian why there was so much love for the Archduke, they'd say: "You didn't know what it was like back then. We have much to be thankful for..."

Before the Archduke, unemployment in Austria had stood at over 756 million. Before the coup, Austria was a democracy, but too many parties had split the vote, thus making the central government too weak and fractured to solve the crisis. What Karl II offered was totalitarian fascism disguised under the cloak of historic monarchy, and Austrians clung to it ardently. Putting Austria back to work was Karl II's first and most depressing problem, but because of his widespread support among the populace and the business sector he had the clout to organize large-scale public work projects. New highways, tunnels, dams, factories, and renovations for old infrastructure sprung up in no time thanks to the Archduke's ambitious and expensive "3 Year Plan." By the beginning of August, unemployment had dropped to almost 130 million. By the end of September, it was virtually negligible.

The regime organized the labor front in Austria. Suddenly, the average citizens were drilled to take pride in their work in a similar manner to that of the Reichswehr. In practice, the Austrian worker came to resemble the soldier, the pioneer, and soon the two were indistinguishable. The Reichsarbeitsgruppe, or Imperial Worker's Bund, sprung up almost overnight and was the agency tasked with creating the millions of new jobs for Austrians around the empire. One could see the men marching in unison down the streets of Austria. One would hear them singing, with spades slung over their shoulders like rifles, and marching all the way to their tasks of rebuilding Austria's deteriorated infrastructure. The worker's were undoubtedly tools of the state, and they were milked for their output, however at the end the regime would show them their accomplishments, Austria's accomplishments. People regretted nothing. With only little under a year in, the Archduke's "3 Year Plan" appeared to be the savior of the Austrian condition.

But life in Austria wasn't as glamorous to those who didn't fit the mold of the Archduke's new Austria. Undeniably, no group would suffer longer and arguably worse than Austria's communists. Having been the ideological enemy of the Archduke's brand of fascism, communists would be among the first Austrians to be sent to the stalags to work off their "crimes" against the Austrian state. There, in concentration camps disguised as rehabilitation centers, communists and other political dissidents would be worked under the most horrid of conditions until the state inevitably decided whether or not they were to be released or simply murdered through cruel and indifferent neglect and/or general mistreatment. Second to the communists, Austria's second largest discriminated group were the Slavs. Viewed as racially inferior, inherently lazy, and naturally subversive, the Empire's Slavs often faired little better under the gaze of the Imperial falcon. Lucky only in that the state hadn't made being one of their race illegal, Slavs could at least count on being allowed to exist in their condition openly without fear of outright abuse. For the time being, their only problems lay in dealing with losing their seats on train cars or in restaurants and being forbidden entrance in certain public spaces. However, while many began migrating out of Austrian held territories, the lion's share of the Slavic population refused to believe that it would get any worse. Blissfully ignorant, they refused to see the writing on the walls even as the regime's rhetoric heated up and books with their people's names burned over gigantic pyres - things foreigners were seeing and hearing on the news all over the world.

However, if you were Austrian, all you heard from your news sources were of Austria's success on the frontlines or of fellow citizens whose lives were becoming better. You were almost completely tuned off from the outside world, as the Ministry of the Interior and the RSD discouraged foreign radio and foreign media, especially if they were Porcuian or Marslavan. While not yet banned outright, most Austrians neglected to listen to them anyway; fear of being turned into the RSD by one's neighbor was enough to persuade most citizens that all they needed to know was what they're government told them. Trust was a luxury few in Austria could now afford, at least trust in anyone or anything other than the regime. In truth, there was little left to hide from the regime and many professions found their positions quite susceptible to replacement if they didn't play the Archduke's game. Everyone from doctors, lawyers, judges, professors, and business leaders found themselves out of a job or worse if they refused to abide by the government's agenda. Rapidly, who one knew in the government or among the nobility became the only thing that mattered. Still, Austrians reasoned everything as a necessary component to reclaiming their spot as one of the world's leading nations - one of the Archduke's seductive promises.

Reclaiming such a position would depend more on simply revamping the nation's industry and whipping up the population; Austria would need territory to house its growing population, territory which was in excess inside the Balkans. The Archduke had convinced Austrians that war would make them stronger, that striking hard and quick would keep them safe from the fiendish designs of Slavic aggression. When these two ideas were exploited against the fear from terrorism, the result was explosive and unwavering. Austrians would march defiantly to war against the enemy they saw as the biggest threat to their new found prosperity, the Slavs. With an army of over 3 million men trained incessantly to fight, countless arms factories, shipyards working day and night, miners on 14 hour shifts, and rationing of vital commodities, the Austrian war machine was vamping for the long haul and it was winning. Even despite the petrol shortages imposed on it by the Porcuian seizure of the Loki platforms, the Reichswehr seemed poised to conquer all the space its empire and its people needed.

Indeed, what many inside Austria were already calling the "dream years" were vastly approaching. What remained on many peoples minds across the globe, predominantly inside Europe, however, was what exactly these years would truly bring..


Edited by Whal, Sep 26 2014, 12:10 AM.
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"Life is too short to be wasted on bad scotch"
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Linz, Austria..

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The sun was setting over the picturesque city of Lindz. The quaint and authentically Austrian locale was one of the most vastly traveled tourist locations in the Empire, and foreigners came from all over Europe to bask in the wonderful symbiosis between the region's natural beauty and the city's typical Austrian feel. While the scenic snow-capped mountains of the Alps and the vast inviting pine forests represented the region's primary tourist traps, it was the seemingly endless variety of beer halls which lined the streets of Linz that the locals gravitated to themselves. Looking for an escape from the troubles of life, the locals would flock to the beer halls to lose themselves amongst the frothy delight of a pilsner and the company of good friends and countrymen.

Herman Harpe, the Austrian Minister of Education, had been a frequent patron of Linz's famed beer halls since before the rise of the Archduke. Finding himself less and less responsibility since his initial role in the coup, the portly middle aged Baron found himself strolling through the dimly lit city streets nightly in a manner not unlike his fellow common countrymen. Walking briskly along the cobblestone streets, Harpe came across his destination just as the sky turned a vibrant shade of orange.

Der Dunkelkammer, literally "the Dark Chamber", was not one of Linz most trafficked establishments, but it was always Harpe's favorite for its signature drink - a local brew made from rare herbs and a hint of fresh pine needles. The dusty, yet familiar aroma of the hall filled the minister's nostrils as he entered and walked slowly to his seat at the far back corner of the room. As other patrons continued to arrive in piecemeal intervals, Harpe drank heartily from the steins being delivered to him sporadically by the barmaids. In surprisingly quick succession eager young men rushed to an intentionally placed barrel to practice their oratory skills and hopefully dazzle the crowd with their opinions on a particular issue. Thanks to the spellbinding talents of the Archduke, public speaking had rapidly become an Austrian past time over night, possibly gaining more spectators annually than many football games had in the past. Harpe tried to watch every other speaker, but most could barely capture his attention never mind the entire crowd.

A few more uneventful speakers and Harpe was rapidly growing bored. Having drunk his fill, a whopping five 14 ounce glasses full, the minister was rising to leave when he noticed an abrupt influx of patrons. Chanting "Hoch" as they flooded the hall, they spread throughout the place in mere seconds and continued yelling until the object of their interest appeared from the entrance. The man they cheered was not very imposing, nor did he seem particularly charming or spectacular. Short, lanky, and rat-faced, the individual called "Hoch" did not seem at all worthy of the praise being directed his way, but Harpe couldn't deny the fervor with which his admirers bestowed upon him.

Sitting down next to one of the man's followers, Harpe relaxed and allowed himself to listen as the sermon began amongst a silent and waiting crowd. Hoch began his speech slowly, but with an underlying feeling behind each word that culminated in the undivided attention of everyone in the room. He began by addressing the Empire's justification in assaulting the terrorist hubs in the Balkans. No one could look away from the attraction of his soft, yet sincere tone; however, this disarming nature soon evolved into an oratory maelstrom of emphatic gesturing and fluctuating levels of tonal intensity. By the time Hoch had concluded his speech the crowd was standing, cheering and hollering; everyone but Harpe who stood quiet and smiling widely. Perhaps the crowd had missed it, but they were cheering for mass murder. Hoch had hid it expertly within rhetoric and simile, but they cheered him all the same. Harpe had to meet him.

Turning to the man next to him to inquired emphatically, "Who is that man?"

"That is Werner Hoch!" he replied emphatically, still clapping. "Does he not make you feel proud, inspired?!"

"Truly," Harpe responded, already flashing his imperial badge. "I'd like to meet him."

That was all it took. In mere minutes, Werner Hoch was seated opposite Harpe as the two enjoyed some more beers together. Hoch was upright and synthetic, but Harpe leaned back in his chair as the two engaged in some light conversation. Eventually, the discussion turned from history to politics and from politics to Austrian government specifically. It wasn't long before the two men became quite friendly with one another.

"So, my new friend, why is that you have not sought out a position in government?" Harpe asked inquisitively.

Hoch chortled quietly, "Because the government has not yet represented an agenda I can get behind. It is close, but still bogged down by the lasting sentimentality of liberalism."

"Dangerous words," Harpe taunted, "especially in the presence of a government official. Some would label such feelings defeatism. You could easily end up in a stalag doing hard labor."

"I have always been a loyal Austrian," Hoch replied skeptically. "True defeatism is the refusal to grant our people the necessary tools needed to achieve success over Slavic barbarity. Our people need proper guidance."

It was now Harpe who laughed, "And you will guide them then?"

"Why not?" Hoch replied emboldened. "They seem receptive to my message, the government's message as well. Why should they not be one in the same? A people properly informed on how to think, to act, and how to behave are an unstoppable force to be equally rivaled by the liberal masses of a democracy. The only thing stronger than free though is the illusion of free thought infused with nationalism and racial superiority."

Harpe folded his hands on his lap and nodded. He swallowed the last of his craft beer and burped loudly. Straightening his tunic as he rose to get his overcoat, Harpe looked visibly pleased to the watchful Hoch.

Throwing down a card with his contact information, Harpe spoke again, "We should meet again. If you are able, I should like to host you in Vienna this weekend. There is someone you should become acquainted with."

Werner Hoch retrieved the card and placed inside his suit jacket. Without saying another word, he simply nodded to the minister before downing his beer. Harpe left with a wave of his hand and descended into the cool Austrian night.

Perhaps there is a place for you yet, he thought as he strolled, whistling down the street.
Edited by Whal, Sep 28 2014, 10:40 PM.
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"Life is too short to be wasted on bad scotch"
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Hofburg Palace, Vienna...

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Jurgen von Pless jumped out of his bed in fright. The crude knock at the door was not only loud, but terrifying. Such an occurrence was uncommon at such an hour for many unfortunate souls, and even though the Reichskanzler knew it wasn't the RSD, one could never completely shake the fear.

"What? I was fast asleep. Do you have any idea what time it is?"

"I'm sorry, your Grace," came the guard's reply. "But his Majesty has called an emergency council meeting and requested your presence specifically."

The Duke frowned and grabbed his wrinkled tunic from earlier in the day. "Of course he did. I'm the damned Chancellor."

Duke von Pless brushed past the Uhlan with little more than a nod before he was halfway down the hallway, and pushing open the doors to the floor's small council room. The first thing he noticed was the blinding light of the room, which aggravated his still settling eyes. The second thing was the general silence of the room despite its mostly full occupancy. No one spoke, not yet at least, and the consensus appeared to be one of confusion. The Archduke never called impromptu meetings this late in the night.

The Archduke himself looked more worn than von Pless had ever seen him, possibly the result of the micromanagement policy Karl II still abided by and refused to discard. His eyes appeared heavy and he had developed an uncharacteristic tick - an incessant tapping on his left thigh. It always became more pronounced when he spoke.

"Please sit, Jurgen," Karl stated, rubbing his brow. "We have much to discuss."

As the last of the Imperial Council of Ministers trudged into the room (many in their night clothes) and sunk into their seats, the Archduke nodded and rose to speak. His tone was clearly serious and his words were concise.
"My lords, I have called you here this morning for an important discussion," he began. "I fear our current petroleum situation may have become too great to ignore. The Austrian war machine requires oil and it is being starved to death...."

Von Pless sighed, "How long till we exhaust our reserves completely?"

The Archduke looked over the Minister of War and nodded.

"At current military demands?" Duke Lothar von Pommern replied groggily, "Two weeks...approximately."

"Approximately?" von Pless asked sarcastically. "Jesus, can't you be sure?"

Von Pommern growled, but Georg von Hapsburg, the Interior Minister, silenced the issue before it erupted into an argument.

"This is why we are here. We can not squander the momentum of our military success, and therefore we need to keep up the attack. To do this we need oil, and a constant uninterrupted supply of it."

Karl nodded with what his brother had said. "Suggestions?"

Von Pommern was reinvigorated by the Interior Minister's ambition and spoke up with a fiery tone. "I suggested this in the beginning, and I'll do it again, we need to kick the Porcuians out of Loki for good!"

"Oh brilliant, and start a regional war whilst already suffering in an oil shortage?" Von Pless retorted almost immediately. "We can't conduct full military operations in Bosnia and you want to take on Porcu and Marslava? We're not ready.."

"Jurgen is right," the Archduke replied sternly. "But I have a plan for our friends in Scandinavia. Tell me Lothar, we've a great deal of thermobaric ordinance in our stockpile do we not? How quickly could it be transported to Norway?"

Von Pommern's eyes widened. "Plenty of ordinance, Your Majesty. I imagine it could be shipped to Harstaad in two weeks. Silos could be constructed in less."

"Excellent," Karl said, obviously pleased. "It's about time the Greeks felt a sense of paranoia. The threat of missiles should place them on a less aggressive path towards our foreign policy."

Von Pless yawned audibly. The entire room looked in his direction, including the Archduke. The two locked eyes and there gazes stuck.

"That's all well and good, but what is to be done about our oil shortage?"

Karl squinted, but nodded all the same. "Indeed, you have a suggestion?"

"I have a hunch, Your Majesty. Perhaps, we should look to some unconventional methods for our oil? Say the Romans or even the CMESS?"

"Nonsense," Duke Albert Zalesky II, the Foreign Minister, interjected finally after being quiet all meeting. "We've a turbulent relationship with the Romans, and we have no formal relations with the CMESS. Moreover, they're our ideological enemies, how could you of all people suggest working with them? If anything, I say contact the Russians."

"Yes, the Confederate's are our enemies, but who else do they oppose even more.......the Republic of Porcu!" von Pless fired back. "What reason would they have against a simple business agreement to an enemy of their enemy?"

"They won't sell to us, mark my words," Zalesky replied, looking away out the window.

Von Pless smiled widely at having elicited no response from his associate. "They'll sell."

The Archduke leaned back in his chair and scratched his chin. Once the room had had a few seconds to take all the discussion in, he finally spoke.

"Very well, there is some merit to both your suggestions. I do believe it is time we visit our good friends in Moscow; there may be more to gain there than just oil for our war machine. In the meantime, I want messages sent to the Confederacy and to the Romans - they might be willing to trade oil for military aide."

____________

Encrypted Communique
Austrian Ministry of Foreign Affairs
To: Confederate Foreign Ministry
The Austrian Empire is regretful that recent events have placed it at odds with the Confederacy of Middle Eastern States. While there are some clear ideological differences between the Holy Empire and the Confederacy, Vienna sees no reason why such differences should impede future friendship in areas where both countries stand to benefit - nominally in the economic sphere. It is for such a partnership that the Holy Empire requests a formal trade agreement with the Confederacy with heavy emphasis upon the import of Anatolian petroleum into Austrian ports.

It is the hope of the Austrian state that such a request could be accepted by the Confederacy, and that such an agreement could open up avenues for a continued and more integrated partnership in the future.
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Moscow, Russia....

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Austria and Russia had no formal relations, there was no Austrian Embassy in Russia no more than there was a Russian embassy in Austria. So when an official communique came to the office of the Russian Foreign Ministry, Russia was a bit surprised. Russia had, up to this point, only brief interaction with the Austrian and while they did not directly oppose them politically there was some tension with some recently elected officials who were disturbed by reports of the mistreatment of Slavs in their country. Russians identified greatly with the many Slavic people of Europe, some members of parliament had ran on campaign promises that Russia would do more for the Slavic people throughout all of Europe. That the Austrian state wanted to discuss the procurement of oil from Russia put many at odds. On the one hand Russia was always looking to be the primarily access of oil to Europe, to challenge the more traditional Middle East powers for a monopoly of the region. To add the Austrians to their list of oil dependents would only add to the depth of Russia's own pockets. On the other hand, however, it was clear to those select few that knew of the communique that the oil was for their war machine. Austria's military prowess was growing rapidly it seemed and if Russia was not careful, the Austrians could try to challenge them as well. It would be, after all, not the first time Germans had challenged the great northern bear.

With the communique in hand the newly appointed Foreign Minister, Fyodor Gerasimov went straight to the Prime Minister's office and discussed the matter. It wasn't long before Prime Minister Dushkin left that meeting and went straight to the office of the Emperor. Ivan was looking over some economic reports when his secretary announced the Prime Minister's arrival. Naturally, Ivan welcomed him into his office and several pleasantries were exchanged. Emperor Ivan and Nikolai Dushkin were far from politically aligned, Dushkin was a fervent socialist and though he and the party did not outright opposed the aristocracy or the monarchy, many of their policies came dangerously close. Ivan knew this all to well and while he may not like the man on a personal level, he found that he could at least admire the man for his convictions and respect him for his desire to better the Russian people. Taking the seat offered to him, Prime Minister Dushkin explained the communique they had receiving to the Russian Emperor.

"They need oil essentially your majesty" the Prime Minister said finally. "We doubt we're their only prospect but given the Austrians ability to make enemies, we could be their only hopeful one. Still, if I may your majesty, the Austrians are believed to be quite cruel to the Slavs in their country. We have reports of many imbalances between the Slavs and Austrians in the country. I am not so sure that supplying them with oil is a wise measure on our part."

"Prime Minister I am inclined to agree" Ivan replied, perhaps a bit to the surprise of Dushkin. "The issues concerning the Slavs under the rule of the Austrian Emperor is certainly disturbing. However, I cannot condone terrorism as a means of dealing with any injustices that the Slavs have endured. I think we can also both agree that what we know of the Savic plight is only hear say and second-hand accounts. We've never had concrete evidence to suggest the true nature of Slavic problems in Austrian controlled territory."

"This is true your majesty but if we were to supply the Austrians with oil, how do we know their war machine won't turn on us?"

"We don't naturally" Ivan stated. "However, supplying Austria with oil may do us more good than harm. It would force their state to become dependent on our supply, making it a political tool we can use to make sure the conditions of the Slavs improve. Furthermore if they did turn against us, it would only serve to bite the hand that feeds them so to speak."

" I do see your point your majesty but what if, in the time we are supplying them, they find another source before turning on us?"

"We would simply have the cross that bridge when we arrived to it. We cannot predict the future naturally, only attempt to cover each possible scenario so that we are as prepared as possible for the results of our actions. Lets send a diplomat to Vienna, publicly we can claim they're traveling as part of the initial team that will soon be going to investigation Austria as part of the ICON mission. We will have the diplomat open formal relations between us and Austria to facilitate better communications and, if it is indeed brought up, discuss the matter of oil with them."

"This seems like a reasonable course of action your majesty but I believe we should as always, remains cautious."

"Of course Prime Minister, of course...."
_______________________________________________________________________________________

Over the skies of Austria...

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A communique was eventually sent to Vienna, alerting them of the arrival of Ambassador Grigory Tatishchev. Grigory had only recently joined the Foreign diplomatic core but it wasn't hard to understand why such an unseasoned diplomat had been chosen. Before joining the Foreign Ministry, Grigory had done work in the private sector for Slavco, Russian major oil company. He'd been a rep for Slavco for ten years and knew a great deal about the company. His expertise in oil negotiations would undoubtedly come in handy in these particular conversations. Of course, officially he was just the first of several Russians that would soon be traveling to Austria for the ICON investigation. Though his somewhat early arrival would no doubt draw some attention, he had the credentials necessary to throw off most suspicions.

He'd never been to Austria before, though few other countries escaped his foot print. He was given a copy of everything Russian intelligence had on Austria and it wasn't much. Russia had barely paid attention to them during their time as a Federation and was only now growing concerned given their obvious militarization. Grigory was personally hopeful he'd be able to bring back much need information for future conversations with the Austrians.
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Hofburg Palace, Vienna, Austria...

Four men sat comfortably in the pleasant atmosphere of one of the Hofburg's many suites. Laughing and enjoying the company of one another, the group was enjoying a momentary pause before their impending afternoon duties once again occupied their attentions.

The four men were not simple nobodies, but among some of the Empire's most leading figures. The first, Duke Albert Zalesky II, Foreign Minister and Governor of Salzburg, sat at the far right of the table, keeping generally to himself and enjoying a glass of Riesling wine. Across from him sat Baron Herman Harpe, the rotund Minister of Education, and his guest, the fiery and up-and-coming public sensation Werner Hoch. Made famous for his inflammatory criticism of Austrian enemies, Marslava and Porcu, as well as his captivating performances, Hoch had gained the attention of Baron Harpe who had deemed his character important enough to warrant an informal meeting with the one man in Austria who might find him a job. Reichskanzler Jurgen von Pless was arguably one of the most powerful men in Austria and his position and reputation made any friendship with him a very enticing offer. As it so happened, the Reichskanzler was as ambitious and ideologically predisposed as Hoch and the two had gotten along quite exquisitely.

"You really should have sought me out sooner, Herr Hoch," Duke von Pless said enthusiastically, pouring himself more wine. "Not only have you proved yourself to have an impeccable whit, but your manner of speaking is simply infectious. I do believe we may find a place for you in our little operation yet."

Werner Hoch shook his head in humility, however in his mind he was ecstatic. The relatively young graduate student and failed educator had never seen himself as a member of the Archduke's government, yet he was slowly beginning to see a future in service with the Reichskanzler. While not entirely enchanted with all of Karl II's promises of a "new society", Hoch was nonetheless an ardent social Darwinist and Austrian nationalist who viewed many of the Reichskanzler's future plans as unavoidable should his country truly wish to achieve greatness. With any luck it would be through the talent of public speaking that Hoch would begin his first official career.

"You flatter me, Your Grace," Hoch replied humbly. "It was only through the inspiration from listening to you that I harnessed the passion to mold men's minds towards the true path. I, like you, grew disenchanted with the patronizing and weak temperament of the education system under the Federation. Promoting the equality of all men, all faiths, and all ideologies, the Liberals have bastardized the education of our nation's youth and I refused to be a party to such a crime. His Majesty's revolution has taken the necessary steps, but he has refused to make the leap towards full execution, and his stalling is harming its potential.."

Many of the group's members widened their eyes at the newcomer's words. Many people lacked the intelligence or the gall to criticize the Archduke's methods nonetheless his direct handing of policy. For some among them, notably Duke Albert, such shameless criticism was unheard of and in poor taste, but to Harpe and von Pless Hoch's words were sweat music to their ears. For a significant time now, the Reichskanzler had found himself growing more and more irritated with his sovereign's slow progress in subjugating the Slavs, and this was leading him to making his own conclusions. Perhaps, the Archduke was not the right man for Austria?

"Are you saying my education system is lacking Werner?" Harpe chuckled rhetorically.

Von Pless replied suddenly, and he wasn't joking. "Yes, it is lacking. We should have achieved so much more in the realm of racial superiority than we have managed thus far under His Majesty. We still allow intermarriage between Slavs and Germans. Slavs still hold some important positions and own respectable businesses. I have the means to change this, but I'am continuously rebuffed at every suggestion contrary to the Archduke's agenda."

"Perhaps, we should appeal to the people then?" Hoch interjected seriously. "The atmosphere is ripe for playing on their fears and hatred of our neighbors. With a slight push we could harness their collective will to execute such an agenda devoid of His Majesty's opinion."

Duke Albert swallowed his wine hard and flicked his glass across the table, shattering it. The group turned quickly as he rose from his seat and slowly grabbed his greatcoat.

"What? You expect me to be a party to this shameless discussion?" He stated flatly. "You seem to forget such talk is treason, my lords."

Von Pless turned to his associate amused, "There is no harm in discussing the matter, Your Grace. Please, relax yourself, and be seated. No need to ruffle your feathers so early in the day."

Zalesky was quickly becoming more perturbed at the Reichskanzler's patronizing tone. He was exceptionally loyal to the Archduke and had never gotten along well with von Pless - a man he deemed too ambitious for his own good. He leaned in close.

"You know, Your Grace," he whispered, "There may come a time when the safety of your riches and your title flutters away in the breeze. I wonder then, how effective will your witty jokes and idle threats be?"

Von Pless smiled fiendishly and replied with a low growl, "Perhaps we'll find out together, Your Grace. Now, I do believe you were going? Wouldn't want to keep our Russian guest waiting now, would we?"

The Reichkanzler's remarks were disconcerting and Zalesky was taken slightly aback. What had he meant by "we'll find out together"? He crept back slowly as he maintained eye contact with von Pless. He turned a few feet from the door, but refused to leave before addressing the Reichskanzler one last time.

"We shall see, Your Grace," he said, swinging the door open. He then walked briskly down the hall and to the direction of the building's main lobby.

------

One hour later...

Duke Albert Zalesky II waited patiently in the lobby of the Hofburg where he had been resting for a short while. Luckily, the Foreign Ministry had been quite quiet for the time being and the minister had maintained to procure a short time frame in which to familiarize himself with the official state dossier on the Russian Empire. As one of Europe's leading powers, the Russians were undoubtedly a force to reckoned with and it had always been the Archduke's mission to maintain a friendly relationship with them. As a result, Austrian foreign policy had almost always been directed with this in mind, and it wasn't until recently with the invasion of the Balkans that Austria had potentially "poked the bear." With this in mind, many, including the minister, had questioned the Archduke's fervor in courting the Russian monarchy. The Russians were, without a shred of doubt, a Slavic power and this placed them within Austria's path of contention. However, Russia was FAR from Austria, and the two would likely not see a land dispute for some time. Additionally, Russia was also undoubtedly a friend to monarchies and was, until quite recently, exclusively pro-autocracy. This, along with their well-known desire to be Europe's principle oil supplier, had been the sticking point to the Archduke's insistence upon contacting them to solve the nations current predicament.

While the Balkans issue would have to be addressed and perhaps solved today in Vienna, Zalesky was confident that the Russians would be interested in some form of agreement with the Austrian Empire. The two countries shared a common political system and often faced similar criticisms from the liberal world - notably the Republic of Porcu. That the Republic was an ideological enemy of Austria and an economic competitor to Russia would go without saying, and it was Vienna's hope that Moscow's greed could become its principle motivator in forming a partnership of sorts. Likewise, the Russian-Marslavan economic partnership was of little concern to the Archduke who had his own more "intimate" plans of securing the Tsar's support and friendship despite the ethnic ties between the leadership of both Moscow and Prague. Such plans would take time however, and the seeds to trust and admiration would need to be planted before they could be sown and their "fruits" harvested.

In the hour it took for the Russian envoy to land, be processed, and then chauffeured to the Hofburg, Zalesky had managed to familiarize himself with much of Russian culture, yet he still remained virtually ignorant of their new political system. Furthermore, Zalesky was perhaps the best man in the Archduke's cabinet to meet with the Russians. While by no means a friend to Slavs, Zalesky spoke Russian fluently and respected Russian hegemony over certain aspects of European socio-politics, and this made him a Russophile by average Austrian standards. For all intents and purposes, Zalesky was confident that the meeting would be success, at least it had to be if he wanted to please his sovereign.

The Russian envoy, Grigory Tatishchev, arrived at the Hofburg slightly after noon. His ride to the in-city palace was a very quick affair, yet he was treated with the utmost respect and afforded all the pleasantries and concessions of the average Austrian royal. Ultimately, the Austrians never truly pretended to mask their courtship of the Russian, but in every case their intricate personal honor code never allowed them to grovel or show subservience. Tatishev was by all means treated as an equal, nothing more.

As he was ushered into the Hofburg by his appointed RSD bodyguards, Tatishchev was approached almost immediately by the foreign minister and the foreign minister only. The entire event was to be an entirely intimate affair. Zalesky greeted Tatishchev with a firm handshake and an enthusiastic greeting in his native Russian.

"Greetings, Ambassador Tatishchev," The Duke exclaimed, leading the man into the conference room. "Allow me to introduce myself, Albert Zalesky II, Foreign Minister, Duke and Lord Governor of Salzburg, and your personal guide for the duration of your stay in the Austrian Empire. I do hope that your journey to our beautiful country has been a pleasant one, and that my Russian is agreeable to your ears."

The pair walked into the conference room where a lavish and exuberant feast was prepared for the ambassador and the foreign minister in a display of the Empire's new found wealth and prosperity. As Tatishchev sat, he was immediately offered a glass of whichever beverage he pleased and a countless plates of appetizers. Duke Zalesky waited patiently as the ambassador wrestled with the various options and made a choice.

"While we certainly have plenty to discuss, if you'll allow me the pleasure, I'd like to take some time to get to know one another and learn some more about each other's countries before we get down to business. If you please, I'd like to offer you a chance to ask me any questions you may have regarding myself, my sovereign, and my country."

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Edited by Whal, Nov 14 2014, 05:46 PM.
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Ambassador Tatishchev bowed slightly when he was first introduced to the Foreign Minister. The courtesies towards nobility was not something that escaped Grigory, having been brought up in a household that understood the social classes well. "Your Russian is most honoring to my visit your Lordship" he stated with a warm smile. "My trip was a peaceful one and it gave me time to reflect on my trip." After being shown into the conference room and given a seat, the Ambassador listened to what the Foreign Minister had to say in his opening remarks to the meeting. Nodding in agreement, Grigory had little hesitation in replying. "But of course your lordship, after all there has been little in the way of diplomacy between our two respective nations as of late and I imagine our questions number as much as yours of ours. Of course your Lordship, I imagine in many ways Russia and Austria share more in common than some may wish to admit."

"Both our countries have gone through a whirlwind of change, creating for the outside spectators an enigma. Both our nations came to change more with thunderous clamor than quite alterations it seems. In that regard, if I may, his Imperial Majesty wished for me to express that while he still denounces the way in which it was handled, he does not hold ill will against the Archduke for the danger that members of the Imperial Family were put in during the wedding. While unfortunate, the matter is over with as far as the Emperor is concerned and would rather more forward from the incident. In short, his Imperial Majesty sees it as little more than a small misunderstanding and does not feel it necessary to harbor ill will when peaceful relations between our two people would be far more preferable."

"Of course" the Ambassador stated as he continued, his posture while seated was more of comfort. "Of course, peaceful relations indeed must be built on a foundation of understanding. Unfortunately, his Imperial Majesty feels he has a disadvantage in that he cannot fully understand this new Austria. There are many rumors surrounding your nations your Lordship, no doubt rumors you yourself are very well aware of. I imagine my first question would therefore have be a simply one in that I ask only to hear of this new Austria straight from the source. I am, as is Russia, interested in knowing what this new Austria stands for and what its aspirations may in fact be with regard to its own people as well as Europe?"
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Duke Zalesky smiled disarmingly at the ambassador's remarks and questions. He was pleased that his Russian was as pleasing to other's as he had always believed, even despite his general dislike for the culture of those who spoke it. Taking a sip of a class of red wine, the foreign minister calmly relaxed his posture by crossing his legs and leaning slightly back in his seat.

"It is true that both our countries have experienced a radical shift in power, and that that shift has occurred with a yell and not a whisper," Zalesky stated cooly. "Indeed, it is also true that both Russia and Austria have yet to formally recognize one another; therefore acknowledging each other's territorial sovereignty and political legitimacy. I believe, as does my sovereign, that peaceful lasting relations may be strongest when starting from this point."

The foreign minister finished his glass of wine with a slow gulp. He then motioned over a servant to deliver a second round, settling on a glass only for himself when he noticed Tatishchev's polite head nod.

"The new Austria of which you speak has, in fact, always existed," The young Duke continued. "Austria, as I'm sure you're aware, has always had a rich history with monarchy - much like that of Russia's. Perhaps the cruelest misconception of the contemporary age is that such a form of government is outdated and an inadequate representation of the will of the people; yet it persists and in greater number than any other government type on Earth. Coming from a monarchial empire yourself, surely you understand that rumors of oppression and abuse are tools of our rivals? I can assure you, ambassador Tatishchev, that Austria is committed only to the protection of its people and their continued prosperity. We seek not the destruction of other nations, peoples, cultures, and ways of life, but rather seek only to place them secondary to our own national security. Surely, your own country's occupation of Draxis was a measure to secure your own national security? This is a right of all sovereign states and one Austria holds quite dearly, as evident by our forays into the Balkans."

Duke Zalesky smiled before continuing, "We too value an understanding of our partners when building peaceful relations. His Majesty too, is fraught with misunderstanding in regards to your country's political shift, and would benefit from an explanation from a member of the Tsar's Imperial Court. Why did His Majesty, Tsar Ivan relinquish his absolute divine right in favor of a constitutional monarchy? What, if you don't mind me asking, are the Russian Empire's future plans that made such a change necessary?"
Edited by Whal, Nov 26 2014, 11:46 AM.
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"I can understand your lordship and am happy to discuss what I may about the future of the Russian Empire. Constitutional monarchy is a bit of a misconception when it comes to the political situation of the Russian Empire. His majesty is still, in regards to the law, a supreme and autocratic ruler of the Empire. However, he has agreed to bestow upon certain national and local apparatuses power which solely he possessed. This agreement remains solely so long as his majesty remains alive and by law, can change quickly with the succession of a new heir. This all being said, I believe that many have quickly forgotten that the Russian Empire operated under similar agreements prior to the Dominion Wars. Parliament was a healthy department within the Imperial government before those dark times. Its powers were only limited during those times due to the necessity of quick action against the enemy and under the understanding that those powers would be restore when peace was established. That they weren't is perhaps the only true grievance made between the Romanovs and the people of Russia. His Imperial Majesty thus, as so chosen to restore the old order as a means of finally fulfilling a promise made by his own predecessors. Still, I believe many will soon find that the political situation in Russia is unique to Russia itself and many in fact create a new definition entirely as one will find that "constitutional monarchy" does not entirely fit for Russia."

The Ambassador also shifted himself into a more comfortable position in his chair, following the minister as was only polite. Surely the Duke was quickly recognize that while the Ambassador was not of noble blood himself, he was not of a pedigree which did not respect or understand the nobility. Indeed, the Tatishchev family was a quite wealthy one and though they might never be given the honor of a title, they were fortunate enough to mingle with the gentry and come accustom to their mannerisms and the means with which to show their respects.

"His Imperial Majesty understand that there has been no formal recognition of the Austrian State by Russia but hopes that his majesty, the Archduke also recognize that there has been no means taken by Russia to not recognize it either. In short, and with no disrespect intended to Austria, Russia has simply be preoccupied both with the situation in Draxis and other events. However, I see no reason why such recognition cannot be given by the end of my visit here your lordship. After all, by the end of this visit I truly imagine that both our governments will know a great deal more about the other. For instance, His Imperial Majesty will be pleased to know that such rumors we have been hearing are just that, rumors. We too are all too familiar with Republican smears and propaganda. Imperial governments are stable government, we're governments of order and tradition, we are governments that look after the nation of our people. Naturally, sometimes this extends beyond our borders and we must do what we feel necessary in order to protect all those we feel entitled to protect.

"The situation in the Balkans" the Ambassador continued, "is a situation that is as unfortunate as it is testing for any relations between our people. Make no mistake his Imperial Majesty is committed to peace for the Slavic people of the Balkans. However, Russia cannot condone to the use of violence in this endeavor either by our allies or by the Slavs themselves. The Balkans cannot once again become a powder keg that ignites a war in Europe. Russia does not feel Austria wants war anymore than we feel Marslava, our allies, do. We have never viewed the Republic of Porcu as a drummer of war but times can always change a person's viewpoint. War must be avoid, His Imperial Majesty feels more strongly about this and hopes the Archduke as well as the others feel similarly. That stated, we recognize that in many ways Austria's views of the Balkans are not unlike our own views of Draxis and Transcaucasia. Empire have tradition and in many respects we view many places as traditionally within our territorial belonging. Russia can, to a degree, respect this viewpoint of the world as it would be hypocritical not to. What we cannot and shall never respect however, is any attempt to subjugate, oppress, or exterminate a people we feel connect by both heritage and tradition. So Austria we must ask, and hope to receive the frankest of answers, what is your intentions with the Slavic people?"
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The Foreign Minister smiled heartily and nodded frequently throughout Tatishchev's statement. The fact that the Russian Empire had once placed parliamentarians on an (almost) equal footing with royalty and was reverting back somewhat to this practice was not unknown to anyone in the Austrian court. In fact, while admired by some in Austria for its popularity with the lower classes, the Russian system was also greatly feared by the budding aristocracy for its initial progressiveness could rapidly becoming open dissent and therefore threaten the power of the nobility and ultimately the Archduke himself. As it current stood, despite its many socially progressive projects of late, the Austrian Empire was still very much a totalitarian state.

No matter their differences however, both empires were undoubtedly united in their desire to thrive and maintain order domestically and abroad. While the leadership in Moscow may differ from that of Vienna in how exactly this would be achieved, both would surely admit that success would be hastened dramatically whilst working together rather than apart. The Archduke knew this; as did the members of the Imperial Council of Ministers. Therefore, an agreement would need to be meted out with the Russian Slavs even though the Austrian people were increasingly indoctrinated against their Baltic and Marslavan kin. The Archduke's message was clear; the Russian would enjoy a privileged status alongside other "favored" Slavs such as the Croatians. At least, for now.

Tatishchev's inquiry was blatant as it was probing, yet it was undoubtedly made in good faith in the pursuit of a general understanding. Once again, Austria would comply, albeit somewhat hushed. The growing rivalry between the RSD, Ministry of the Interior and the Reichswehr still meant that a general consensus on what was actually occurring out in the occupied territories would be a difficult thing to understand let alone summarize. Zalesky would, as always, need to tread carefully.

"Certainly, Mr. Ambassador," he began respectfully, fixing his eyes on the Russian. "You are correct in believing that His Majesty does not desire war with anyone in the Balkans, the Marslavans or otherwise. Unfortunately, your allies have made their opposition to any moves the Empire attempts to make quite clear. As you have said yourself, historic empires such as our own have the right to preside over the lands of our forefathers. This is often times even the best outcome for the people who reside there; as the imperial treasuries of the state can often increase public works, create jobs, offer protection, and facilitate growth in places afflicted with poor infrastructure and terrible governments. Was this not the case with Draxis? Croatia? and now Bosnia? I hope I am speaking honestly when I assume that his majesty Tsar Ivan is of like mind to my sovereign's opinion on the matter?

"Furthermore, the Grand Duchy is mislead in its criticism with the Empire's policy in the Balkans concerning the Slavs. While I shall not waylay you from Austria's mistakes in Croatia, please take solace that what occurred there was certainly not Austrian policy, but rather an honestly embarrassing shortcoming on the behalf of some of our forces on the ground...not to ever be repeated. The Slavs are Austrian citizens; and to the letter of our laws protected and provided for. While it is true that decrees have been passed barring some of them entrance to certain areas and restricting some civil liberties, this is purely a temporary response in order to ensure the safety and security of ALL of our citizens. As long as Translava remains a threat and continues to be supplied by Prague, then Vienna has no other alternative but to act seriously in order to protect its citizens from terrorism. As it stands currently, Mr. Ambassador, the Austrian Empire desires only peace and prosperity for the people of the Balkans as it does for its own. With Moscow's help in fact, conflict can be avoided by assisting in cooling Prague's desire for the fruition of our efforts in the Balkans."

I hope I have done what I can to alleviate any fears you have for Austria's role and future in the Balkans," Zalesky replied earnestly, crossing his legs and pouring another glass of wine. "Now, If you permit, I would like to move our discussion to the matters of an economic partnership between our two great empires. To begin, I do believe no formal trade rights exist between our two countries. With your help I would like to rectify this, and hopefully expand future business cooperation by installing an official Austrian-Russian Chamber of Commerce, one in Vienna and another in Moscow. Such a body would assist in the facilitation of business agreements between government and private corporations and contractors, as well as great a lasting bridge of friendship between our two peoples.

Lastly, as I'm sure you're aware, Austria is in desperate need of oil and would greatly benefit from a unique exclusive deal with the Russian Empire. We would agree to sign a binding contract with your government guaranteeing that no more than 70% of Austria's annual oil exports come from the Russian Empire for a concrete period of 5 years. Our only request is that Austria's Stahl Petroleum is granted exclusive access to a partnership with your leading oil provider in one future venture abroad. Is this agreeable to you, Mr. Ambassador?"
Edited by Whal, Jan 14 2015, 01:23 PM.
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Ambassador Tatishchev was a bit unaware of how far the Russian Empire could go in convincing its Marslavan allies to tone down their rhetoric against the Austrian Empire. Moscow appreciated the Grand Duchy's view of the situation but also recognized that the Austrians could be a greater ally to have than an enemy to make. After all the Austrians were, in many respects, were simply more refined Germans. Their excellence in many fields in the past only opened the opportunity for Austria to become a powerful Empire in the present. Attempting to deprive them of resources and allies would only prove to move Vienna into other spheres, such as those of nations in the Middle East or beyond. Russia desires to be the great oil pipeline of Europe and it didn't need competition from nations in the Middle East.

"The establishment of such a Chamber of Commerce I believes is something Moscow would not hesitate to agree upon. Furthermore Russia is indeed interested in offering oil to the Austrian Empire, Slavco Oil even wishes to offer it at a very competitive prince. Partnership is not out of the question, though I imagine the company itself would wish to discuss the finer details of such an arrangement before agreeing to anything concrete. That being said, I can assure you that the government would be more than willing to help support the idea with the rest of the company stock holders to ensure than a deal is in fact struck between Slavco and Stahl Petroleum. I can also assure you that should such a partnership arise, say similar to that of Loki platform, the Russian Empire will not so easily allow politics to get in the way of economic partnerships."

"Of course I imagine that oil is not the only commodity to which the two of our Empires can becomes partners. If I understand it correctly Foreign Minister, Austria can always use agricultural goods. Russia can provide this as well as many quality timber products and technologies that we Russians have perfected. Of course Austrian industrial prowess is known even in the Russian Empire. I can only imagine that with such a partnership, our two industries could build glorious technologies that would revolutionize whole commercial fields...."

The Ambassador smiled a bit, realizing he was a bit ahead of himself.

"That being said, I imagine for such partnership to arise we must first work out the more subtle details. Like I said before the Russian Empire will support your government's proposed partnership with Slavco on foreign oil ventures. In terms of overall trade the Russian Empire maintains a policy of fair trade, over free trade. I can only hope that the Austrian Empire can respect this policy. Tariffs are a strong source for Russia when it comes to our trade however, we would be willing to reduce tariffs on Austrian goods significantly in order to facilitate more healthy trade between our two people. A cap of perhaps no more than 7% of a commodities market value would certainly make Austrians goods in Russian markets much more attractive I should think."
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Foreign Minister Zalesky smiled heartily and clapped his hands lightly in appreciation for the ambassador's foresight. Apparently, the Russians shared a mind for growth and prosperity above all else much like the Austrians themselves - a trait which was not only admirable in Slavs, but downright astonishing as far as the minister was concerned. The meeting appeared to be progressing perfectly and it seemed as if both empires would become quite good business partners, yet the Archduke's true desires were paramount. Austria and Russia were to become allies above all else, and this required much more than a mere reduction of tariffs and a few tons of wheat.

"Excellent," Zalesky exclaimed, "You will find us to be the most dedicated and reciprocating business partners. It should come as no small feat that the Archduke has given his word to this partnership for it comes with the highest of honors - we Austrians do not go back on our word. I see no reason that our two great national industries should not grow to control the markets together; and please understand that there is more than enough room to share. Furthermore, we appreciate Moscow's promise to honor any joint ventures in the future, as we were quite disappointed and put off to dealings with the Porcuians after their dishonest seizure of Austria's gracious gift in the Loki Platforms. I believe Stahl Petroleum will find no issue working with Slavco Oil on any venture as that company's reputation is stellar despite being a worthy competitor. Hopefully, the Chamber's first success will be orchestrating a mutually benefiting partnership between both corporations."

Zalesky was not blind to the inevitability of Stahl Petroleum's initial opposition to a shared partnership with Slavco. As the nation's once richest and most growing business conglomerate, Stahl Petroleum had monopolized the Austrian oil market and almost seized the Central European market with the find in Loki, Norway. That the Porcuians had crushed this dream and forced SP into a dependency on work with a competitor to regain its footing would not be lost. However, the fact that the company had much to gain from working with Slavco was also not lost, and with the Austrian zone of control stretching into the virtually untapped wells in the Balkans, there was much in the ways of a bright future. Zalesky's mind once again snapped back to the Archduke's final plan - an alliance.

"Additionally, a 7% cap is quite agreeable to us and we shall match it for Russian goods, in good faith," the Minister replied. "Furthermore, the offer of agricultural goods is also appreciated and graciously accepted. You will be pleased to hear that Russian grains will be principally sought after throughout the empire. Indeed, as our partnership grows you will find our two great technological industries to operate effectively together; there is very few things we shall not be able to accomplish. We should see a rise in collaboration in the agricultural and heavy industry sectors from our two empires as a result of the Chamber. We are particularly interested in Russia's prowess with agricultural equipment and climate technology, and we would be happy to assist in furthering Russian knowledge of certain chemicals, automotive parts, synthetic metals and other areas of Austrian expertise."

The Foreign Minister paused a moment as he contemplated how he wished to broach the subject of a more concrete step towards alliance.

"Ambassador Tatishchev, I'm quite aware of the Russian Empire's prowess with military affairs and technology as well," he began genuinely. "Austria's military is also quite modern, advanced and fields some of the most well trained and equipped soldiers in Europe. I do believe both our two countries would benefit from a joint military training partnership, primarily between our special forces programs. What would you say to an exposition showcasing each others military hardware and the conduction of shared military exercises for mutual training purposes?"


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A small but noticeable increase in the arch of the Ambassador's right eyebrow occurred at the suggestion of military cooperation. The Austrians had certainly come to the table to talk about much and this was something the Ambassador's was becoming more aware of us the conversation continued. "Such exercises are certainly not out of the question. Russia has always prided itself on its unique military training and furthermore, its unique approach to the military technology it employs. We are one, if not, the only European power to employ technology that is built more for ease of repair than cutting edge technology. After all, what good is the most advanced tank in the world if it takes half the defense budget to repair?" The Ambassador chuckled slight before continuing on. "Due to this unique program we have found that cooperation can sometimes be a bit more difficult, but not impossible with other nations."

"I personally see no reason against a Russia-Austrian exposition between our two military. Especially now in times of such terrible terrorism as is found not only here in Europe but also in the Middle East. Of course, there will no doubt need to be discussions held between our respective Defense Ministries as to the extent of knowledge shared during the exercises. After all I am sure there are techniques and training that our nations made hold to be vital to national defense. I imagine it would be premature to say our nations would be ready to divulge all these things in the infancy of our era of cooperation. Still, I am sure there are things that both our nations can share in good faith that would pave the way for better cooperation in the future."

"For example, if Vienna were willing to share intelligence on certain issues that the Kremlin felt was necessary for it to know then I cannot imagine the Kremlin withholding intelligence that Vienna wishes to know. If Austria wishes to have military cooperation than I should think a share of intelligence, even on the most basic level would help further facilitate this as would a share of military training techniques and joint exercises would you not agree your lordship?"
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Foreign Minister Zalesky was pleased and he wasn't ashamed to show it. The Russians had indeed come to the table with business and the Austrians were more than willing to meet them fully. "Mr. Ambassador, the Austrian Empire is committed to the mutual defense of the region and therefore is flexible in the ways of structuring and training its military forces. The Russian Empire's resourcefulness in military matters is renowned by my sovereign and even-though the Reichswehr itself is prided on a high focus on technological advancement we are not unwilling to create a marriage of our two styles. An expedition would therefore only showcase already disclosed hardware as a means to facilitate cooperation in this regard.

"As for intelligence, you will be pleased to hear of the Interior Ministries' willingness to assist Russia with anything she so desires. We are in agreement there as well. Any joint military partnership must be preceded with the general share of intelligence, and the RSD will be more than happy to usher in a way to connect with an agency of your choice. Now, Mr. Ambassador, is there anything more I can do for you on this subject?"
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"I would not be at liberty to discuss anything specific at this time" the Ambassador stated plainly. "Still, what I can say is that Russia may or could at least in the future, as Austria for information it may already have or might have to gather on Russia's behalf. Such a task would not be seen lightly by the Kremlin, in fact I am sure Russia would be ever so willing to pay back its debt to Austria in full when the time came. Certainly that would give your lordship and his majesty's government a certain 'card' if you will, with which to pay at your discretion. I cannot speak further on this but I can say that were the favor to be ask, it would certainly be one so important to his imperial majesty that he would in fact be willing to be in debt to is benefactor. Of course, this is more speculation on my part as I don't mean to suggest that Russia wishes to ask anything of Austria."

It was certain that Ambassador Tatishchev was speaking in hypothetically only out of fear that prying ears were listening. Though Austria and its security had become more famous and infamous over the short and abrupt rise of the Empire, it was clear that the Ambassador didn't entirely trust that only he and the Foreign Minster were the only ones who could hear. That being said, he undoubtedly said enough to peak the Foreign Minister's curiosity. What could Russia need that they felt they could get on their own? What the Austrians would do with this information was up to the Foreign Minister and perhaps more importantly, the Archduke but regardless it was certain that interesting times were afoot.

"Well your lordship I believe we have come to a mutual understanding between our two people and have, over the course of our conversations come to appreciate each other a bit better. We have spoken quite openly of a variety of topics including trade as well as military cooperation. More to the point, Russia will undoubtedly be pleased to hear from me on the situation in the Balkans and Austria's intention with the Slavic people there. I for one believe that the most pressing topics have been touched on but would nevertheless be open to further conversation if there is anything else your lordship wishes to touch on."
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"Perhaps, Mr. Ambassador. Perhaps," Foreign Minister Zalesky almost whispered as his eyes scanned the room casually.

Zalesky had noticed the Ambassador's hesitation after inquiring as to any intelligence the Russians may require. The young Austrian would be remissed if he didn't allow Tatishchev to at least have the opportunity to speak freely. Even though every man in the room was a pre-vetted "bodyguard" from Zalesky's personal retinue or a cleared RSD agent, the opportunity to comprise the palace's security was not impossible and therefore Zalesky began searching for a truly private place for the two men to talk. As his eyes scanned the room, the thought finally came to him.

"Have you ever seen the Hofburg's pleasure gardens, Mr. Ambassador?" He asked politely, albeit slightly off topic.

Tatishchev smiled, but shook his head. Without another word, the Foreign Minister rose and calmly motioned the Ambassador out of the room. The security detail proceeded to follow, but Zalesky stopped them with his hand. They were to guard the entrances and exits, but allow the two men to roam the gardens alone. The sight was marvelous and even without any conversation of substance the atmosphere was a true wonder one simply had to be beholden to.

"Beautiful, no?" Zalesky asked in his excellently accented Russian.

"Indeed, your Grace, yet I wonder why you brought me to see them," Tatishchev asked rather bluntly.

Zalesky wasted no time in being forthright. "These gardens are beautiful yes, but they are more importantly secure and almost certainly private. Away from prying eyes and eavesdropping ears, we can discuss any matters to which you may have been withholdant earlier. I wish to assure you and the Czar of Austria's commitment to a healthy and prosperous partnership; therefore I wish to be forthright with you. Please, Mr. Ambassador, do you have anything you wish to ask me out of turn or upright?"

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Tatishchev took in the crisp air the two wonder along the path within the garden. When at last his lordship revealed the security of the garden, the Ambassador as again a bit reluctant to speak. Looking to either side of him, he decided to let his guard down if only slightly.

"Well your lordship if I may be a little frank the Emperor is interested in Austria help in Draxis" the Ambassador said softly.

"In Draxis" the Minister replied, a bit surprised, "but I was under the understanding that such business of Russia's in Draxis had been concluded."

"To a point yes, but there is still the matter of the Tauric people."

"Ah yes the Tauric" Minister replied.

"Russia remains skeptical over the true nature of the Tauric people's desire to remain independent. Indeed, we are fearful that the Crimean peninsula is simply being used as a staging ground of sorts by other forces and is not, as they would like us to believe, in the hands of the Tauric people."

The Ambassador paused.

"While we have our suspicions as to who the true masterminds behind the incident in the Crimean, Russia cannot act on these suspicions ourselves. The Tauric people claim we massacred everyone at Feodosia and indeed, a cleansing of the entire population including enemy combatants did occur as far as other, more reliable Drax sources have since found out. However, the situation was such when our forces got to Feodosia, not afterwards however we have no evidence to support this claim and we cannot risk sending anyone of our own to find out. We have signed an uneasy peace agreement with the Tauric and Drax people but we fear that this will come to haunt us unless we can expose the situation in the Crimea for what it is. Thus, Russia needs an outside ally to conclude an investigation into the matter on our behalf, an investigation to which we can claim to know nothing about."

"Were Austria to help us in this matter" the Ambassador began to conclude, "Russia would be very grateful as it would be the leverage we need to deal with the Tauric problem once and for all. "
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Duke Zalesky nodded sincerely as the Ambassador spoke of the Tauric issue. While certainly no strangers to the "troubles" of fact-finding missions, the Austrians nonetheless were sympathetic to Russia's plight in regards to the Crimea. In fact, it was an ardently held belief (and practically known fact) by Vienna that Translava was being used as an intermediary by Marslava to attack Austria rather than being its own legitimate independence movement, as they so claimed. Was the same not true in Crimea? That Russia was a member of the ICON commission currently at work inside Austrian held Croatia was also a fact not lost on the foreign minister and could certainly be used as leverage in return for Austrian assistance.

Yet how could the Holy Empire grant such assistance? And could Zalesky even grant such a request without the Archduke's permission? Yes, it could, and he knew exactly how to propose it.

"I do believe your concerns are well merited," He finally replied after a brief period of reflection. "There is few doubt in my mind that the Tauric Republic is just a front being used by your enemies in a bid to hide their treachery in plain site. No doubt, any claims to Russian barbarity were fabricated as well to implicate your people and to rally support for this faceless evil."

"So you agree that the Republic is subject?" Tatishchev replied somewhat surprised.

"Oh yes," Zalesky answered honestly. "But the question remains on who could be behind it? and how Austria could assist?......or should she assist?"

Tatishchev raised an eyebrow slightly. He was no novice to how things worked. "What would Austria require for such assistance..hypothetically?"

"Hypothetically," Zalesky began, "only that Russia recognizes that her issue is not unique; that it is also suffered by the very people from whom she asks for assistance. I speak of course about the Balkans and of Translava. All Austria would require in kind is a confirmation of such facts in regards to its own endeavors in places it has attracted scrutiny. After all, we are both victims of the same treachery."

"You ask that Russia treat Austrian occupation in the Balkans leniently?" Tatishchev replied skeptically.

"Yes, hypothetically, if in fact we are indeed talking about the same issue," Zalesky replied. "I stated earlier that Austria is committed to its friendship towards Russia. I stand by that claim still, but my sovereign would in fact request that such kindness be returned in good faith. Austrian expansion into the Balkans was provoked, but now that it has begun it cannot be stemmed; not as long as Marslava continues to use terrorism as a buffer. While we would certainly never presume to ask Russian assistance in this matter, Austria's response must be defended by its friends. If Austria is to be committed to clearing Russia of any and all blame in the matter, by any means necessary, then we simply ask for a similar favor. Does this sound agreeable?"

Tatishchev played it smart, he avoided answering until he had more info. "How would Austria provide her assistance in the matter precisely?"

"Simple," Zalesky answered, his attention focused on the garden, "We use humanitarian measures. An Austrian nonprofit would enter the Tauric Republic with a blessing from Vienna and permission from Moscow. Once inside, the organization would begin conducting an investigation from the ground up in search of anything implicating external interference and exonerating Russia of all charges. You understand, however, that these will be the results regardless of what we find of course. While this is certainly the case, we would obviously prepare contingencies. Russia will be cleared and be free to do as it pleases in the Crimea. I'll ask again, does this sound agreeable?"
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Ambassador Tatishchev smirk a bit to himself when he thought about the offer. It was a dangerous agreement to come to with the Austrians, after all Marslava was seen by many in Russia as a pet project still on going. Still, many back home in Moscow resented the them for becoming so close to Porcu and its more liberal policies. Maybe the Austrians weren't so bad, maybe the Austrians were what Russia had been desperately searching for since the fall of Rome, perhaps even before. For all its existence, Russia had only claimed a handful of true allies. Even then, some like the Romans had failed Russia when they needed them most. The Romans even offered to help Russia take the Transcaucasus even when it was well within their power. In fact the only true ally the Russians ever saw a future in was their dearly departed friends in Draxis. They were nation to be honored, they were nation wiling to do anything for their Russian friends and Russia felt the same. Was Austria to take their place? Was an Austria-Russian alliance to form the new backbone of politics for a new era?

Too early to sayTatishchev thought to himself but nevertheless, the offer was too intriguing not to comply. After all, the Austrian nobleman had practically already implicated himself and his government's willingness to fabricate whatever Russia wanted them to when it came to Crimea. While Russia was convinced such actions would not be necessary, it was interesting that the Austrians would be so forthcoming.

"The offer is certainly more than appealing and I am confident I can relay its importance to my government. However, as I am sure your lordship more than understands, such an agreement would need to Emperor's personal approval given both the sensitivity of the subject as well as the deep impact to which it would have on further relations with our people. I do not take pleasure in simply saying that Russia will consider it and forcing you and your own monarch to await an answer, but it is simply out of my power despite the wide-range with which the Emperor and his government gave me upon sending me here. That being said, if I were to be allow to speak with my government I could perhaps procure an answer."
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Foreign Minister Zalesky was pleased, immeasurably pleased. What the Archduke had envisioned in ways of a Vienna-Moscow Pact was indeed a distinct possibility, especially when one considered how receptive the Russians appeared to be. While many certainly doubted the possibility of an Austrian alliance with a Slavic people, said critics would be naive to disregard the foresight of the Empire's calculating sovereign. Karl II shared no love for the Slavs, this much was irrefutable, however Russia and Austria were far away indeed and any conflict between the two for land seemed quite far in the future. For now, the two monarchical powers seemed united under a common political goal - stability for the lands in which they ruled. A mission much better served through alliance rather than premature animosity, a fact much observed by the Archduke and apparently the Russian Emperor.

"Oh, but of course," The Foreign Minister replied sincerely. "We would expect nothing concrete this early in development. Only that such a partnership appear desirable in our words here today. Please, take all the time you need in discussing the matter. However, understand that we are more than capable of assisting Moscow at its earliest convenience. In fact, I imagine His Majesty, the Archduke, would be delighted to discuss the matter with the Tsar in person."

It wasn't long before the sky betrayed the early signs of dusk. A beautiful orange skyline erupted across the horizon once the Minister and the Ambassador wrapped up their discussion. Sensing the time, Zalesky calmly and politely ushered his guest back into the interior of the palace. With the twilight hour close at hand, Zalesky hoped the Russians had felt as pleased and excited about their discourse as he had.
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Ambassador Tatishchev gave a nod as the two men returned to the original room and took their seats again. The Ambassador felt confident that upon his return to Moscow, the Foreign Ministry and indeed the Emperor himself would be quite pleased with his work. Not only had he secured the oil agreement that Russia had sent him to guarantee but also work on normalizing relations with the Austrians. This would undoubtedly lead to further negotiations and further advancements in relations which in the end, could only benefit the Empire...both Empires.

"I am pleased that we have come to such understanding your lordship" the Ambassador said finally. "I will express to his imperial majesty, the Archduke's desires to meet with him personally at some future date. I know the Grand Duke spoke admirably about him to the Emperor after his meeting, so I am confident that my own report will only further paint a flattering picture of his majesty to the Emperor. "

"Hopefully your lordship would agree that we have come to some very mutually agreeable prospects. If there is nothing further to discuss, I believe it would be prudent for me to return to Moscow and speak with my superiors. No doubt within a days time your government will witness Russia's open and formal recognition of your government. Naturally, the first step towards normalized and improved, relations."
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"I'am pleased to say that negotiations have indeed born fruit," Zalesky said emphatically. "Austria and Russia have a responsibility to uphold the noble ideas they both share, and I do believe that together we shall accomplish great things. Please, give my regards to His Majesty, Tsar Ivan, upon your return to Moscow. My sovereign eagerly awaits his response to meet to discuss matters further. Have a safe journey, Ambassador."

Zalesky walked with the ambassador to his limousine where the two parted ways in good spirits. The Austrians had left negotiations confident in the procurement of some much needed oil, an exclusive trade relationship as well as the positive inclination that they had made a very powerful new friend. The Russians too, had left Vienna with much to bring home back to Moscow. They had secured a lucrative economic partnership, military cooperation, as well as the possibility of Vienna's assistance in a very tricky domestic issue. For both monarchies, the future seemed quite bright and it appeared that each other's agendas had been strengthened via some form of a Vienna-Moscow pact.
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Hofburg Palace, Vienna..

The new Austria created by Karl II was a conundrum to political analysts. It was, by all accounts, run by a political system borrowing from two strangely opposing ideologies and government types that had somehow formed a workable coalition. For all intents and purposes, The Austrian Empire was an absolute monarchy in name, functioning with a landed aristocracy and a sovereign who command complete and total devotion from his subjects. Yet, anyone looking into the new Austria would be hard pressed to miss the fact that the country was still a nation-state with state and private institutions checked by and organized under a central bureaucracy which composed of a half nationalist/conservative staff (most of whom had still retained their political status in the Osterstag.) Likewise, powering this ever industrializing nation, was a mostly collectivized economy and industry which was extremely close to being nationalized under a more absolutist system.

Culturally as well, Austria was a nation of patriotic citizens who seemed devoted to their sovereign as the spiritual and folk leader of the Austrian people. From its Ministry of Propaganda and through its educational system it had pushed an ideology of racist social Darwinism, a volkish mysticism, and Colognian Catholicism. In reality, the Austrian people viewed themselves more as citizens of an Austrian state than as subjects to their Kaiser (or as serfs to their local lords). In fact, they were much more like citizens in practice anyway.

To many former nationalists of the Austrian People's Party, the political entity which had willingly relinquished its independence to merge with the United Traditionalists, the political climate in the new Austria was favorably warm towards their former sympathies. The bolder ones among them were even some of the new aristocracy and a few notable members such as Hermann Harpe and Albert von Bol-Dier even found themselves occupying serious positions in the Archduke's government. Indeed, even rumors of Reichskanzler Jurgen von Pless's involvement in the party even after its official disillusionment were cause to believe "party politics" were still alive in aristocratic Austria.

It was this exact atmosphere which pushed some inside the Archduke's inner circle to lobby the Archduke himself to make some slight alterations in the political system to allow for a greater role for fascism. Chief among these ambitious aristocrats were Reichskanzler von Pless and Herman Harpe. They had been planning to discuss the issue with the Archduke for some time, and it appeared that with the growing likelihood of war in the East quickly approaching, the small circle decided the time was right to issue their claim.

The Reichskanzler, highest ranking lord among the group, was the "main of action" behind the delegation. A close friend of the Archduke and a trusted voice in his council, it was von Pless who seemed most likely to get the agenda approved. As such, he was the first to enter the large office where Karl von Habsburg sat buried in the daily minutia he so ardently demanded to review personally.

"What are you reviewing, you Majesty?" von Pless inquired, as he stood apart from the group and over the Archduke's shoulder.

Karl II didn't bother to even lift his head. "Numbers of all inmates being transferred from Croatia, your Grace," he replied calmly. "Why are you all cluttering my office?"

"Well in truth, your Majesty, we have come to discuss some matters of policy with you," von Pless responded, motioning for his associates to approach. "Something which requires your approval."

Karl sighed audibly and pushed his papers aside from his desk. "Well? Out with it."

Von Pless moved across from the Archduke and positioned himself comfortably in the chair facing his sovereign. The other lords and officials moved to surround the group. "Your Majesty is certainly aware that operations in the Balkan territories are progressing smoothly, yet conventional military operations are falling short of another more crucial task," von Pless began.

"Ah, you mean the special agenda you've outlined regarding enemies of the state," Karl recounted, as if he had the same conversation a hundred times already. "I have already granted you the authority to handle the issue with the use of the RSD have I not? Your Grace would do well to recount that it was by your own misuse of my generosity that we now find ourselves under investigation by ICON."

Von Pless remained calm, and replied honestly, "Your Majesty, I have executed Order 48 under Imperial Directive 89 which was approved by the Oberkommando which had received said orders from the Your Majesty's household. Further acts may have been orchestrated by ambitious or misguided commanders within the RSD and Reichswehr without my expressed approval, but I can hardly say these were not in line with the doctrine expressed by our government."

"Oh please, Jurgen," Karl hissed in frustration. "The lawlessness inside Croatia alongside the zealous response by the RSD and the auxiliaries under its command is directly a result our your oversight. Are you not the Reichskanzler and Minister of the Interior? I put the RSD under your guidance and your supervision. Their overstep is your own!"

Von Pless remained calm, but he was increasingly getting frustrated. "Your Majesty, my understanding of the situation hasn't changed. Is your Majesty still determined to protect the Austrian people from terrorism? You know as I do that it lies embedded with the Slavs, Communists, and moral objectors. Translava is only the beginning, your Majesty. If we don't strike now and strike hard they will certainly destroy everything the Austrian people, the entire German race, has striven for. Do I not speak what you hold in your heart, your Majesty?"

Karl's face remained stoic as he stared von Pless down. "Yes, you do, your Grace," he replied. "But you're too zealous and your impatience threatens to unbalance everything I have put in place. All of Austria's enemies shall receive their fate in time, but we do ourselves no favors by bringing the world's attention on us while we attempt to disarm the Russians and seek the defamation of the Porcuians and Marslavans."

"Forgive me, your Majesty, but perhaps we are preparing for the finale in an inappropriate manner," von Pless hinted boldly. "The RSD is to be the principle front line defense against Slavic aggression and terrorism, yet it has not the means to combat the enemy directly. Furthermore, it also could benefit from some institutional additions to increase the efficiency of its affect on the empire."

"Oh? And what exactly do you propose?" Karl replied in earnest. "Would you have me arm it as a military outfit?"

"Precisely, your Majesty," von Pless replied sincerely. "With the addition of an armed branch of the RSD as well as some minor branches each serving a different function towards security, intelligence, and defense, the RSD can better be used to protect the homeland, the Austrian people, and your Majesty's household. Imagine the increased oversight and effectiveness of the organization would have with separate departments of the same service. Another major overstep will be unheard of, your Majesty."

Karl began to actually become intrigued with the Reichkanzler's proposal, but he remained somewhat skeptical. "Yet, this same organization will remain divided between the various duchies and subject to regulation from each area and its lord. Have you considered this? Don't tell me you plan to bypass the aristocracy on this, your Grace?"

"This is crux of why we came, your Majesty," von Pless replied finally getting to his main goal. "We have all come to discuss a slight reorganization of the political system to allow the establishment of a political party that will abolish the Council of Gentry and reorganize all ministries under the leadership of a party head which would be yourself, your Majesty. This will allow us to properly screen all those who apply to be party members to guarantee they are of pure Austrian blood and can be trusted to implement day-to-day operations in line with your Majesty's wishes. Additionally, membership in the party would be mandatory for a variety of privileges: an occupation in the government, prime positions in the medical, judicial, military and communicative professions to name a few. Never again will we need to fear the loyalty of any of our civil servants. We would in a sense bring fascist ideology inline with the aristocratic system to create a better, more centralized, and entirely novel idea in terms of absolutist regimes."

The Archduke was instantly swarmed with new ideas and propositions for government agencies from the group. In the swarm, he found himself increasingly liking the idea of a central political party running the country for it allowed him to placate the masses who would inevitably clamor for some type of representation in the government. While he knew the Monarchy would persist within this new fascist system, he was careful not to relinquish the titles and privilege afforded to members the aristocracy. It was to be no coincidence that most high ranking party members would be the same nobles and aristocrats who had previously held only imperial titles.

Yes, he thought ardently. Austria would become the first Fascist Monarchy under the leadership of the newly formed Iron Eagle Party and he himself, Karl II of Austria, would become party member number 1.
Edited by Whal, Nov 7 2015, 04:49 AM.
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Seisenberg, Former Slovenia..

"No, this simply won't work," a man in a military greatcoat stated as he studied the blueprints. "The officer's barracks are too far from the showers and the latrines! Do you expect me to walk twenty minutes across camp to take a shit?!"

"I don't make the rules here, lieutenant," the engineer replied irritated. "These plans come directly from the Ministry of the Interior, the Reichskanzler himself in fact. If you have an issue you can take it up with him." The engineer ignored the angry grunts from the officer and left the man to ponder his dissatisfaction.

The officer spat on the ground and put his hand on his pistol. All around him men dressed in well-worn clothing were working tirelessly shoveling dirt, pouring cement, and lifting wooden beams into place. Around them, armed RSD soldiers were keeping a close guard whilst simultaneously breaking ranks to beat a prisoner who had fallen over, dropped something, or simply not worked fast enough to the liking of their captors. Many of these poor souls had already been awake for 72 hours straight locked in a constant state of motion and back-breaking labor. The facility in which they were laboring in was to be their home and possibly for some, by the looks of the situation, their graves.

The officer took a moment to take in his surroundings. The compound was still in its infancy with only a few temporary structures already constructed and many more still in need of an adequate foundation. From a casual observation, one could notice that the buildings being constructed were not originally intended for human habitation and were designed possibly as a stable for livestock of sorts. Yet comfort was hardly a concern of the architects, a fact made abundantly clear by the close proximity of the barracks to one another as well as the barbed wire fences being erected around the massive compound. If the officer strained his eyes he could vaguely make out some fellow soldiers planting and marking a mine field in front of where the fences lie. There is to be absolutely no escape, he thought to himself.

His attention was quickly brought back to the work of the men around him. A few feet away a skinny and haggard looking fellow who was tasked with raising a cornerstone beam to the nearest barracks was struggling to work the pulley supporting the large log. As he tried desperately too hoist the beam amid the tole of countless hours of intensive labor combined with a debilitating lack of sleep, a nearby guard noticed his struggle and began verbally abusing him to work faster. Amid the yells, the slick Slovenian mud, and his horrid state, the man's legs gave out and he fell - letting go of the rope supporting the beam and sending it to the ground with a crushing thud. Before he could stand, the nearby guard was already upon him, but this time raining down on him with blow after blow from his rifle-butt rather than his tongue.

"You worthless bastard!" the guard yelled in anger. "Can you communists do anything right!? We should just kill you here on the spot!"

There was nothing but pure terror in the man's eyes. He had seen what the RSD guards had done to prisoners who were incapable of working. He knew what would happen if he didn't get up and prove that he was indeed able-bodied. He tried to find the strength, but everything from his incarceration to his mistreatment from the camp guards were too much. As he lay in the dirt bleeding, his eyes met those of the onlooking officer. In a last ditch effort he cried out.

"Lieutenant! Lieutenant! I can work, please! I just need a little rest!" He cried in desperation.

The officer smirked and walked over to the man and motioned for the guard to stop beating him for a moment. "So, you just need a little rest? Just a tiny nap?" He said in a placating tone. "Well, why not? Follow me!" he commanded, turning to leave. The guard smiled and dragged the man to his feat and pushed him after the officer.

The guard led the man to the other-side of the barracks where the officer told him to lie down flat. The man looked afraid, but complied either out of fear or of sheer exhaustion. As he laid there, the officer leaned down and spoke to him. "There, better?" he asked still in a placating tone. Before the man could reply, the officer took out his sidearm and put a bullet in his brain. Blood and other bits spattered across the dirt and onto the officer's shoes.

"Ja, there you go. A dirt nap you lousy Red!" he chuckled to himself.

The other prisoners knew better than to stop working and to watch the spectacle. They had already learned well enough that to stop working meant almost certain death either by neglect or by mistreatment. Almost 99% of the prisoners in the Stalag system were political prisoners and a shocking 75% of those were communists. Many had been apprehended in the first months of the Archduke's rise, but it wasn't until recently that the RSD men guarding them had been so open about killing those who stopped working so arbitrarily. Little by little, day by day, the beatings for severe infractions were replaced by acts of murder. Something had to have changed.

Seisenberg was a small city in the heartland of the Duchy of Carniola and had withered through the darkening storm in relative quiet. It was precisely that isolation and quiet that compelled the RSD Main Security Office to organize the transfer of over 30,000 of its political prisoners from smaller temporary camps near Ljubljana to the area. Their task was the construction of an entirely new and permanent camp for existing and future prisoners of the Austrian state. According to official RSD records, Seisenberg was to be designated as a forced labor and detention camp, an Arbeitslager; a place where inmates were to work off their debt to the Austrian people and to contribute to the nation's industry. In the following days plans were to be made for the construction of several other sister camps all across Austria, Slovenia, Hungary, and Bosnia. There were Freiberg and Myrhofen in Austria, Siklos and Ajka in Hungary, and Banja Luka in Bosnia. Only Croatia was spared for the time being due to its close proximity to ICON observers, but in time camps were to be constructed all the same.

More room was to be needed for a continuous stream of inmates. The RSD was finding enemies everywhere and they would need secluded places to house them.
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Hohenwerfen Fortress, Austria..

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The ramparts of the old fortress had long been an imposing sight above the Salzach valley in the province of Salzburg. For several centuries the proud Habsburg fortress had stood as the symbol of aristocratic rule in the region and represented to the locals the wealth, power, and prestige of the ruling family. While the rocks had crumbled slightly from the wear of time over the years, the fortress still stood strong and acted as a command point for the will of an authoritarian overseer, albeit one slightly different than is regal forebears. Contemporarily, the Hohenwerfen now stood as the headquarters for the Austrian Empire's RSD and stood now as a symbol for the sway of the Iron Eagle Party.

While the Hofburg in Veinna remained the official spot for conducting business of the nation's aristocracy and nobility, the Hohenwerfen was the favored location of the Party's leading officials, high bureaucrats, and all the cronies of the Reichskanzler Jurgen von Pless. It had hosted a variety of informal events in the honor of the Archduke in the recent past, but it had taken a more sinister role as of late as the Reichskanzler's personal retreat and meeting place to discuss and formulate the Adlerite's "national agenda." On this particular night, the fortress would serve that very purpose, but with a much more grandiose purpose. One which would be remembered as a crucial point in Austrian history.

The first to arrive at von Pless' meeting was his oldest and most dutiful ally, Baron Herman Harpe. Harpe, like Pless, was one of the engineers of the Osterstag Putsch which placed the Habsburgs in power in Austria and he held the prestigious role as the Empire's Minister of Education. A portly fellow of a particularly dry humor and unpleasant demeanor he had always been ostracized by many of the Austrian nobility and had been an easy convert to the radical nationalism and racism propagated by the Adlerites.

Seated next Harpe at the Reichzkanzler's table was a more recent addition to the group, but a man no less integral in the formation of the Party and its climb to prominence. Werner Hoch was once a nobody who became overnight one of the most famous men in Austria. From his fiery and passionate speeches of German superiority in dimly lit beer halls, the wiry rat-faced orator had risen on the coat-tails of Harpe who found him to be an asset to the Reichskanzler. Jurgen von Pless saw in Hoch all the potential of a propaganda wizard, and despite his status as a commoner, Hoch was quickly moved into a lofty position as the Empire's Minister of Communication.

Opposite the two ministers sat the only military man present at the table, the Minister of War, Lothar von Pommern. A recent addition to the fascist cause, von Pommern had always been a more rigid supporter of the old aristocratic way of doing things, but we was also a resilient force of nature who always found the right cards to play and when to play them. He like many others had noticed the larger dog in the fight for political control and decided to put his money on the fascists. Not much more could be asked of such a sycophantic, flaky, and shallow man than von Pommern.

The table in the main hall of the Fortress was a huge oak table in the familiar shape of the Party's insignia - an eagle with outstretched wings. Seated at the top of the head was the Reichskanzler himself. Jurgen von Pless was as shrewd man as any and his tact was comparable to the Archduke himself. Not surprisingly however, was that his highly motivated racist nationalism drove him to use his similar traits in a much different way than his sovereign. Where both men agreed on a strong Austria, they differed on how such a concept could be achieved and at how quickly.

While von Pless had the utmost respect for Karl von Habsburg, he was growing increasingly wary the longer the Archduke prolonged the relatively lenient tolerance of what he called "undesirables' - communists, gypsies, homosexuals, and other outcasts. The longer these groups were allowed to coexist and multiply with impunity, he feared, the worse off Adlerite nationalism and the Austrian people would be. He decided that preliminary planning for contingencies needed to be planned and soon.

"Gentlemen, I thank you for making the journey today," von Pless began in a soft yet dominating tone. "As you are by now certainly aware, the Austrian people have spoken and have seen fit to grant our noble party a place in His Majesty's government. Perhaps a much greater a feat in itself, we have also been blessed by divine providence with the approval and backing of His Majesty himself! With all hope and continued effort, I see the future of the Austrian people and our proud race in very valuable place." As the last words rolled off his tongue, his twenty or so supporters in his own inner circle erupted into vociferous applause.

Yet he calmed them almost instantly with a wave of his hand, "However, my friends, this is not to say that we should grow content in the false notion that our work is over and that we have won the battle against the forces which seek our destruction. You are all aware of the threats which continue to lay in wait outside our borders; the fat liberalist whore of Porcu who propagates the incorrect and subversive ideology of free-market capitalism and republicanism which teaches that racial mixing and equality is something that should be heralded rather than restricted. Or the Slavic Beast of Marslava whose red hordes seek to flood over our lands spreading the infectious disease of communism and pan-Slavism!

We must remain fanatically resistant to these great threats to our people and educate our brave men and women that it is the Austrians and fascism which will prevail. No, these alien ideals will be crushed in time as we have plans for them in future. But, it is not the Marslavans or the Porcuians we are here to discuss today. As many of you are aware we still have thralls of degenerates in our mix; communists, homosexuals, and gypsies continue to roam free in our streets despite our efforts to collect and incarcerate them. If we are to properly isolate these internal threats we must be prepared to ramp up our pressure on his Majesty to allow us unrestricted access to solve this problem. We must be resolute in our determination to take the next step. Gentlemen, I wish to show you our new plan on action for dealing with these enemies of the state."

As von Pless had been proselytizing his tirade a screen has descended from the ceiling and a projector was wheeled in to display an info-grahic to the group. The irst graphic was a chart with several layers and it organized the peoples into two groups: enemies of the state and those who were to be left alone more or less. Communists, Slav Nationalists, Gypsies, Homosexuals were to be a prime concern as enemies, while the homeless, pacifists, religious fundamentalists, and social outcasts were to be given special consideration. Quickly following that another graphic was shown, this one of a map of the Austrian Empire with hundreds of dots outlining the planned network of the new Arbeitslager camp system. Many of these places, like Seisenburg in Slovenia, had already been constructed and were receiving inmates at a steady pace.

At their current stage, the Reichskanzler explained the role of the camps as being a two-fold process aimed at reeducation or punishment for certain individuals and permanent isolation for others. Ever present in the tone of his voice and in the back of the minds of all present however, was a far more ruthless end goal - gradual removal of said individuals as a potential problem or "weight" on the Austrian state.

"What is to be our first step at transitioning this into a bigger picture, your Grace?" Werner Hoch, asked with an excited tone.

Von Pless' eyes twitched nervously, "This is the difficult part, gentlemen, getting his Majesty to relinquish complete authority on the matter to myself and the RSD. At current moment, our sovereign remains fixated on the external threats like Marslava and Porcu and is hesitant to grant me full powers for these matters. That being said, the recent events in Norway have led me to believe he shall be resolute on my judgement to punish the Porcuians harshly."

"So His Majesty has not given us the ability to implement our intentions into a more codified form?" Harpe inquired skeptically. "Without uniform laws outlining the harshest possible treatment for these groups we cannot do with them as we please. For Christ's sake, we ca only really round up someone unless their a communist."

Von Pommern cut in sharply, "Even then, if we have anyone else we need to force them to sign a confession for being a communist rather than their true crime. Your RSD can't even hold them long enough to get any real information before Zalesky or his ilk come asking questions. No, we need to take action on matters under something we can control."

"What matters are you referring to?" Von Pless demanded, slightly perturbed that his discussion was being hijacked by the War Minister.

"Partisans, your Grace," von Pommern replied angrily. "They hit us in the most vulnerable places and continue to gain the support of the local peoples in some areas because we don't have the proper attitude to do what is necessary. They need to be destroyed by hitting all those who aid them or even those who share their nationality. Allow the Reichswehr to deliver collective punishment by executing anyone who is found with a weapon. Anyone who is found behind our lines. Anyone who is suspected of being a partisan or aiding them. These people won't respond to sporadic punishment and we cant rely on individual commanders to exact retribution as they see fit. Codify it into military law so we can help the RSD."

"That is not a horrible idea, Minister," Hoch replied nodding his head. "Classifying in this way will give us cause to arrest anyone for any reason. Everyone is behind our lines and with enough manipulation anyone can be said to be a partisan. After all, are these people not terrorists? No one will object to harsh treatment of terrorists."

Harpe was skeptical and he crossed his arms in dissatisfaction, "This is only useful in the short run. People will ask questions when their loved ones aren't returned and we can't reeducate gypsies, partisans, or communists. These people need to be removed in a more legal, non-miltary matter. We need to pass legislation through the Reichstag and restrict the rights of these enemies of the state in a gradual manner through laws."

"This unfortunately will need to be approved by his Majesty," von Pless answered with an apparent tone of frustration. "As he currently courts the favor of the Russian dogs, I find it highly unlikely that the Slavs or anyone other than the political prisoners can be apprehended and dealt with until he can be swayed. We will need more time with him on this."

A silence permeated through the packed room for a short period of time before someone finally said what was on everyone's mind. It was the short, skinny, commoner Werner Hoch who finally broke the ice. "What if he can't be swayed?" Further silence reverberated through the room as everyone allowed a quick thought of treason to mull over in their minds. It was the Reichskanzler this time who spoke up.

"Then we will need to find someone who will...."
Edited by Whal, Nov 26 2015, 10:37 AM.
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Whal
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"Life is too short to be wasted on bad scotch"
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Graz, Austria

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On a normal cool December night, three men walked eagerly through the crowded market place of the city center. Their faces were stern and emotionless like the stone of the market's buildings; a telltale sign of men walking intently with purpose. All around them as they weaved in an out through the crowded area was the beauty and festivity of the typical Austrian Christmas markets. Close friends and strangers alike huddled together and drank Gluehwein by well-kept and open fires and roving gangs of singers and performers entertained the crowd with songs of a particular seasonal variety. It would seem that even through the changing tides of government, this age old Austrian tradition would remain in tact and prospering.

The three men maintained their brisk walking pace until they arrived at a rather plane building tucked far away in one the city's thousands of medieval alleyways. The sign carved from age old oak betrayed its identity as a bar, yet it was surprisingly without the usual clamor and ruckus of such a place. As they swung open the door, the men were greeted with an eerie silence of a mostly deserted establishment and only a few cursory glances from its patrons and bar tender. Without saying a word the men found a small table situated far from the entrance and towards the back corner of the quiet bar.

A rather pretty young waitress arrived shortly after to take their drink orders, but the three men resumed their silence until after she had left. Then they turned towards business. A dreadful discussion for which they could quite easily lose their heads.

"Where is our contact?" one of the men said nervously and hushed. He was short, stout, and had a dark black goatee.

"Quiet Alfred," the older and rugged man across from him said calmly. "We are early. Probably from that rushing we did to get here. He'll show."

The other man, a young and cleanly shaven fellow merely smiled and looked around. "We should count ourselves lucky that their aren't any police here."

"Not that you can see," the man with the goatee scoffed. "Besides, there's bound to be a fucking nark somewhere in here."

The older man shot him a quick look advising him to shut his mouth, just as the waitress returned with their drinks. Three tall Styrian pilsners with gratuitous foaming heads. She smiled at them and disappeared with a polite and sincere "Mal Zeit." Her beauty and womanly figure weren't lost on the men at the table and the older man couldn't not smile as she left. Perhaps it was something about her beauty and youth that made him hopeful for the future of his people? Perhaps they could still turn the tide?

Yet it was also the youth which were most coveted and easily drawn to the radical ideology of the Adlerites and to the militarism of the aristocrats before them. Too many young men had taken to the streets looking to brawl with communists and Slavs who happened across their paths, and it wasn't uncommon to see children as young as thirteen wearing the eagle armband of the newly formed "Adler Youth" boys organizations which were sprouting up daily. The Austrian underground had thrown a significant amount of its resources and time into reeducating the nation's youth against extremism and Adlerism, but it was always an uphill climb. Werner Hoch's Ministry of Propaganda had made sure of that with their weekly radio broadcasts and public service announcements.

Suddenly and quickly the men's attention was drawn towards the front door. Two men had entered, heavily bundled and dressed in way which hinted they had more money that the average patron. The first man was an unknown, but a keen eye could recognize the later man as a familiar face - Otto von Treschow. The youngest of the leading Austrian aristocrats and a close friend of the royal family, the young Duke of Istria was a kind man and his sympathies with the common people were largely know. His left-leaning politics however, were a closely guarded secret.

"That's the Duke of Istria," the younger man whispered. "What's he doing here?"

"We should leave. Now," Alfred replied nervously.

The older man placed a stead hand on the table. "Von Treschow is our contact. Stay seated and act casual."

The other two men sat quietly in open aw, they would never have guessed the underground stretched as far into the Hofburg itself. While members of the Reichswehr were certainly believable, it was rare and unexpected to find allies from within the aristocracy. Only now did the men truly realize the polarizing effect of the fascists.

The two newcomers walked calmly towards the three seated men and sat at a table adjacent to them. They could still converse quietly, but their presence would not lead any to believe their meeting was deliberate. As the two men relaxed, the three continued a casual conversation until the young waitress left the area once again.

"Sorry, we're late," von Treschow said quietly and calmly. "Had to find an excuse to dismiss my armed guard. Told them we needed to go Christmas shopping." He laughed quietly, dragging his compatriot in as well.

"We thought that you'd be arriving alone," the older man stated skeptically. "Who's your companion?"

"This is Major Himmelsdorf. He's a trusted friend and can be trusted with our secret, Hans," the Duke replied sincerely. The Major nodded and smiled at the three resistance members in front of him.

"What skill set does he have that warrants him being here?" Alfred inquired still skeptical.

"That's part of the reason I brought him here," von Treschow replied. "There's been a change of plans."

Hans shook his head. "Wait, you don't have the right to dictate to us a change in plans. What you agreed with von Franke is non-"

He halted his sentence as the waitress returned with the drinks for the Duke and his partner. Once she left, it was von Treschow who picked up where Hans had finnished speaking.

"Listen, the old plan won't be enough now. We can't silence the party without getting rid of its architect. You know we need to take out von Pless and we need someone skilled enough to do it. The Major here is an expert shot and can be relied upon to carry through with it. If you want our assurances on a return to normalcy then you need to trust me."

"How? When?" Hans replied almost in shock, but mulling the new plan over in his head.

Major Himmelsdorf spoke now, "At the next party rally later this winter. We will get into a position overlooking the center podium and I will get a clear shot a von Pless. Normally we'd prefer using an explosive charge, but we can't risk injuring the Archduke and his family. He may be a heavy-handed bastard, but he's still a sane one. He won't take us to war with Marslava or Porcu as readily as the fascists."

"Also it will give those of us in the aristocracy who want to see more representation in parliament time to convince His Majesty that the Adlerites are insane and need to be checked. It won't be a complete return to republicanism, but we can hopefully get more parties legalized," von Treschow continued.

"What if the Archduke decides to crush the resistance further?" Alfred inquired. "It's not as if an assassination of von Pless will be enough to stop the fascists."

"No, but it will cripple them long enough for those of us in the military and aristocracy to shut them out of politics for good," von Treschow replied reassuringly. "The Royal Uhlans are still sworn solely to the defense of the Archduke and can't be swayed by the RSD or the party. There are also generals throughout the Empire who are willing and pleased to see the Adlerites out of power. Their men will be useful in keeping order thereafter."

"Myself and the Major have spent months garnering support from within the Hofburg and from the military and our associates in the government will be able to sway the Archduke I swear to God. We simply can't wait for these fascists to loose steam, because the sad truth is they are growing more powerful by the day. If we don't act soon, we'll loose the Austrian people and his Majesty to their racist dogma."

"What exactly do you need from us then?" Hans replied, his mind spinning.

"Your people will be integral in the countryside drumming up support for our efforts in the Hofburg and in parliament," the Duke replied. "Additionally, you can provide some scouts along the perimeter during the event and can report to us all of the movements of the RSD."

Hans looked around his table at the faces of his friends. They looked afraid, but he knew they would need to eliminate the Adlerites at any costs, even if that meant working with and trusting some of the nobility. The fact remained that the underground was still largely ill-equipped and full of patriotic, but untrained men and women. A friendly group of aristocrats and military men would be of useful help in returning Austria to her more democratic roots. There wasn't much else to do and there was fewer time each and every day to stop the Adlerites. They needed to be crushed now.

"I will take your plan to the resistance," Hans replied sternly. "Von Franke is of a compromising sort, so I imagine we can deliver on our side of the bargain. I must admit, this is far from what we agreed upon."

Von Treschow smiled, "Perhaps, but its all you've got."

No sooner than a second after they had finished talking, the front doors opened and a group of young men with Adlerite arm bands entered the bar and began their usual display of misguided bravado and aggressive posturing. The group quickly finished their drinks and proceeded to calmly exit the bar through the back entrance. None the wiser to the fascist thugs who were quickly turning the bar upside down, the six men dispersed into the night in several different directions not to meet again for some time.
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