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| Polski bałagan | |
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| Topic Started: Jul 22 2014, 10:33 PM (232 Views) | |
| Alberto | Jul 22 2014, 10:33 PM Post #1 |
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Resident Italian
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Prague, July For decades southern Poland had been a mere buffer zone between greater powers. To the west and the north were the Germans, who wished to break the Poles and whom the Poles hated with passion. To the south lied Marslava, whose Czechs and Slovaks had grown used to treat the Poles with contempt. Moreover, no one had been able to create an unified state for the Polish people. Poland's neighbours could treat that nation with contempt, and decide the destiny of its inhabitants against their will. But, at the same time, the Poles were a resourceful and resilient nation. Doubtlessly, if united against one independent rule, Poland could aspire to become one of Europe's great powers. Zvitomir Slavnik, the foreign minister of Marslava, was surprised that Poland had not "exploded" earlier. To him, the Polish question was one of Europe's main unresolved issues. It may be that, in the near future, a continent-wide war would be fought to determine its solution. Nevertheless, war was not what Lord Slavnik pursued. Recent developments had made him look northward, toward Krakow and Warsaw. Poland now represented a new opportunity for Marslava's economy. A large map was drawn in front of Lord Slavnik and his guests. The territory of Poland was covered by a large number of spots of different colours, representing each the small territory of a warlord, a revolutionary front, a group of revolted farmer. The guests were Pavel Kysilka, head of Marslava's giant petroleum corporation “Marsoil”, and Frantisek Tosovsky, director of the Marslavan state railways. The recently ratified Russia-Marslava bilateral treaty provided for the joint construction of a railway that would connect Moscow and Prague. Such a railway would cross Poland, Belarus and Quaon before entering Russian territory. The project was grandiose, the investment involved considerable, and the gains to be made incredible. The new railway would be an amazing infrastructure which would draw the whole Eastern Europe closer to Marslava, and would encourage trade between Russia and the rest of Europe. Moreover, the leadership of Marsoil had conceived the project of building a pipeline from Russia to Marslava, so to export Russian natural gaz to the rest of Europe. If such a pipeline was completed, Marsoil would become the largest oil conglomerate of Europe: not only, it would extract oil in Romania and in the Middle East, it would also become the sole intermediary for natural gas imported from Russia. But, such an ambitious project could be completed only as long as Poland remained the buffer zone that it had always been. “As things stand now” started the foreign minister “Poland is a mess. In Warsaw there is a military government headed by the General Josef Paderewsky. It claims to speak for the whole Poland, but controls only Warsaw and its surroundings. To the North, next to Gdansk, there is an ongoing struggle between German and Polish bands for control, the conflict over there is of an ethnic nature, and it is nasty. To the south, in Krakow, are the Socialist-Democrats headed by Roman Kniatwkowski. A good man, he is wary of Marslava, and he is weak. Also in the South, the Communists control Wroclaw.” The situation was indeed messy in Poland. The hand of Lord Slavnik moved on the map's surface, its finger pointing at a variety of spots. “The centre and the east is pray of farmers' rebellions. They have grown tired of the tyranny of the army, the false promesses of the provisional governments, and the cruelty of the the communists. Finally, the ethnic Ukrainians in Lviv have taken up their arms against their Polish neighbours.” He concluded. “The question is” observed Tosovsky “who shall we work with?” “Exactly” observed the Marslavan foreign minister “the building of this railway needs tranquillity and the cooperation of the locals. But it also means that we will have to bet on one of the many potentates who aspire to gain power in Poland, and help such an ally”. “The railway and the pipeline could also become one of the spoils fought over by the Polish” stated Kysilka “But still, our objective would be to create a corridor going to Russia, and not to unify Poland.” “Exactly” replied Zvitomir Slavnik “what we want is this economic corridor, and an ally strong enough to help us keep it. But, having a strong unified Poland is not our main aim: to unify the Poles would be in our interests only the day Brandeburg will try to expand eastward” OOC: Margrave, I have tried to describe the situation in Poland. I have kept it unspecific enough so that you can add in whatever you want. From how I see it, Poland is a place that is quite similar to the USSR between 1918 and 1921. Edited by Alberto, Jul 22 2014, 10:35 PM.
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| Alberto | Aug 8 2014, 12:56 PM Post #2 |
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Resident Italian
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Warsaw, August Roman Dmowski, minister and chief ideologue of Warsaw's nationalist government gives a lecture in the University of Warsaw. The man is a fervent catholic, a staunch nationalist, a firm anti-semite, a lover of all what is Polish. "You should all understand that for us, the Polish people, a strong Russia is preferable to a strong Marslava, and a strong Marslava is preferable to a strong Germany. Russia is far from us, and its culture is inferior to Poland's: the Russians have emerged just few centuries ago from Asian barbaries and, while they have military might on their side, they do not possess that capacity to hegemonize other cultures. Any attempt of Russification would be resisted and repelled by the Polish demos" "The Marslavans are closer to use, they are sly and more dangerous, but their culture is not superior to ours. On the contrary, the Marslavans have softened and have taken up precepts and values from the west. Their aristocrats speak french and german, they place the preposition "von" before their surnames, they experiment with democracy. The Marslavan culture has collapsed under the weight of western liberalism, and it does not offer anything that the Polish people may want. Any attempt to impose on us the Czech or Slovak culture will fail" "Russsia and Marslava are dangerous on their own, but they do not endanger the existence of the Polish people. The real danger, my friends, lays at our west. The German people and its culture are powerful, ruthless, they have the will and the capacity to hegemonize the whole of Europe if they are placed under an unified guide. Our people, and Poland, would not resist to the onslaught of the Germans. We distrust the Russians, and we despise the Marslavans, but only the Germans can deserve our hatred. They are the greatest threat to Poland." A student raised his hand, to make a question. "And the Ukrainians?" he asked. "There is no such a thing as an Ukrainian nation" Lwow (or Lviv) August Lwow was the Polish capital of a Ukrainian region. Controlling huge swathes of land, the Polish landowners lived in the elegant palaces in the city, frequented its graceful squares, made business within its walls. The Ukrainian peasants, serfs would actually be a more appropriate term, had survived in the countryside. Illiterate and hopeless, the peasants had served from time immemorial. But, then, order collapsed and voices of communist, anarchist and peasant revolts reached the countryside around Lwow. The peasants shrugged their shoulders and continued their work, but the landlords were taken by fear, and their henchmen became more ruthless. It is hard to explain why the revolt had started, but, as if taken by one fever, the crowd of peasants voiced its rage and lynched the Poles who were so unlucky to be outside the walls. Armed only with hunting guns and with their work instruments, they forced the landlords to close themselves in their city. They were unable to come out, but the Ukrainian peasants were unable to break inside. Assaults were repelled by the fire of machineguns on the city walls, but the peasants did not desist. They knew that if they admitted defeat, the masters would be ruthless. They also knew that there was an alternative to the reign of their Polish masters: at their north, guided by the anarchists of Nestor Gravchenko, Ukrainian peasants had shaken off the yoke of the Poles and they now ruled themselves. The Poles remained wary in their city. Their situation was desperate, but they were resilient. The peasants attacked again and again, but they were held off. Old men, women and children who had been wealthy now fought alongside men on the walls and trenches, and held. That was until an unknown hand gave modern weapons to the peasants. Now armed with automatic weapons and grenades, the peasants assaulted Lwow with fury. Nothing could stop them, and their murderous wrath did not subside when the city had been taken. It is not known who gave them those weapons, but what is certain is that they were old Marslavan Vz 58s. |
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| Margrave | Aug 9 2014, 11:18 PM Post #3 |
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Is very much a holla-back girl.
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Meanwhile, in Silesia, German cartographers were hard at work mapping the southern Polish region. The area was just as ripe for annexation as Berlin had predicted, although the hostility was not expected. Margrave Adrian thought the barbaric Slavs would have barely organized into villages and city states. Instead, he discovered, the Poles had created a unified front to repel invaders. This came as a surprise, but the surveyors were largely left undisturbed to there work. They diligently used there tools to map the area near Ratibor and Kattowitz. OOC: I'll make a more detailed post soon. |
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| Alberto | Aug 13 2014, 04:23 PM Post #4 |
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Wroclaw, August Wroclaw had been for weeks under the control of the communists. The city had been fought over by a miriad of factions: the socialists in Krakow had taken over from local militias after these militias had rebelled against the government in Warsaw. Now, after weeks of urban warfare, the communist liberation front had "freed" Wroclaw from its bourgeois masters. It had proceeded to round up the wealthy, the landowners, the priests and evict them to Warsaw. The most important opponents of communism in Wroclaw had been eliminated. Edward Prochniak was the leader of the communist forces in Wroclaw, a convinced and fanatic communist he was convinced the Polish union could only take place on the basis of the communist ideology. He took over Wroclaw gradually and ethodically, confirming himself to be one of the most effective commanders in Poland's civil war. He was faced by two emissaries, who spoke Polish with a strong accent. The two men, wearing humble clothes, came from the southern side of the border. Their proposal was obscene, and Prochniak could not accept it. "Marslava incarnates all what I hate and all what I want to destroy" he started "your railway and your pipeline will not pass from Wroclaw, and I will do my utmost for it to not cross into Poland." he spoke with passion "I know that the railroad is just the beginning of Marslavan imperialism in Poland, and I will not be the traitor who will sell Poland to Marsoil, Skoda and all those corporations". The most senior of the two emissaries did not lose his calm. "We have been following you with care" he said "we understand that you are the most effective and able tactician in Poland. Your chances to win this war, to unify Poland, are real and our help could be decisive. You do not have to accept now our proposal, but do think about what we could do for you". "No" replied Prochniak "our revolution would fail as soon as I accept your help". The emissaries left discreetly. Wroclaw had not been wholly pacified yet, the communist forces were still rounding up their oppositors, and shots could be heard. The younger emissary looked interrogatively to his colleague. "He has refused" he said "what will happen now?" "Wroclaw is the most convenient passage point for the projected trans-european railway and pipelines. It is easier to get it with the cooperation of the communists, we can do it also without Prochniak's cooperation - we will just do it later". Prague, August "Right" started General Velicky of the Marslavan Intelligence Services "this is our current progress: our agents have been supplying the Ukrainian and anarchists rebels with weapons - together they are undermining the communist and the nationalist forces. They have promessed to allow the construction of the railroad and pipeline as long as they can levy a charge to use for the improvement of their areas". "But the communists have refused to cooperate in Wroclaw." continued the general "consequently our agents have contacted the socialists in Krakow: they have accepted to host our project in Wroclaw. The problem is that the socialists do not dispose of an efficient fighting force, whereas the communists have a solid leadership. Here is where you and your men, Mr Zivkovic, come handy" Anton Zivkovic, former commander of the Dominion IXth Army turned mercenary, had been doing Marslava's dirty business for years. He had been told to assemble a new force made by former Marslavan officers, Dominegasque soldiers, Serbian warriors and Polish traitors. Now he was given his final assignment. Velicky concluded:"Your task is to put the socialists in a position where they will be able to take Wroclaw. This must happen without any clear proof of our invovement. Whatever will happen, Marslava will not intervene formally in Poland - not at this stage". "So I will be on my own" stated Zivkovic "that is not surprising". "The reward that you will receive in case of success" said the general of the secret services "is your reinstatement in the Marslavan army, with the rank of general of division. It suffices to say that your services have been remarked by His Majesty the Grand Duke". Zivkovic's eyes shined with hope: one of the most capable generals in Marslava's history, he had been excluded and exiled from the army where he had served for decades. Now, he was going to be reabilitated and reinstated in his rank, he would have got back what was rightfully his. Edited by Alberto, Aug 15 2014, 03:50 PM.
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| Alberto | Sep 5 2014, 06:57 PM Post #5 |
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Resident Italian
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Krakow, September The Serbian soldiers had arrived. They were actually not Serbian, but they wore the uniforms of Belgrade's forces, and brought with themselves stocks of weapons that were marked as belonging to Serbia. Of course, those weapons had been made in Plzen's and Brno's factories, they were Marslavan. However, someone in Prague had found convenient to use Serbia's government as a cover so that Marslavan involvement could not be obvious. The Serbs, led by a Marslavan commander of Croatian origin, were arming and training the socialist troops for the reconquest of Wroclaw. For the Marslavans, and for the socialists, the possession of that city was necessary (albeit this was for diverging reasons). For the first time, the socialist forces had access to heavy weapons, anti-tank and AA artillery, as well as missiles systems, all manned by Serbian mercenaries. The communists had no access to such weapons and their advance had consequently been arrested at twenty chilometers from Krakow. Now, the socialist government headed by Roman Kniatkowski could breath and plan future moves. "I do not like the Marslavans" said Kniatkowski, a bearded man with gray hear and a tired look in his eyes "but they have been the only ones willing to help our cause - for a price". "It is a heavy price" answered the youngest of the cabinet members "even if we win Poland will now be another land of conquest for Prague's business" "Yes" replied Kniatkowski "but we have a heavy burden upon us, a responsibility" his eyes brightened, the President of Krakow's government believed in the righteousness of his mission "We are the only force that is currently fighting for a democratic Poland, a country tolerant towards its minorities and respectful of the rule of law. If Prochniak's men had taken Krakow, the dream of a democratic Poland would have been over" "Now, we must plan correctly the next steps" said another man. "We will see what the Serbians have to say, what is their plan" said Kniatkowski. He sobbed and said, tired "Let the Colonel Zivkovic in". Lwow, September Lwow had been burnt, plundered and rebaptised Lviv. Ukrainians now owned the city, and for anyonen speaking Polish it was not a good idea to remain in the area. Hoxever, the Ukrainian peasants did not know what to do with their newfound freedom. To the north of Lviv, a Ukrainian anarchist, Nestor Gravchenko, had united Belarussian and Ukrainian communities around the idea that these peoples could create cooperatives and communes that would allow them to pool their resources and help each other while maintaining their autonomy. For Gravchenko, Ukrainians' an Belarussians' salvation lied in the countryside: the cities were a creation of the exploitative Polish and German lanlords and had to be abandoned - or eradicated. Lwow's peasants burnt the city to the ground and then, with the goods they had plundered, they joined Gravchenko's anarchist army. Gravchenko was a thin and tall man who had a dreamy glaze. A bit like his rival Kniatkowski, his political passion had consumed him, compromising his physical health. I felt the urge of freing the peasants from their slavery before his death. Two men had joined him, and those men were very practical people - they had abondoned any dream long ago and only served their master. " We would like to strike a deal with you" had said the senior of them "a railway will be built passing through western Ukraine. This an occasion for you. Your peasants are disorganized and would not resist a strong Polish government. However, by accepting to collaborate with us, we will ensure that no one interferes with the peasant communes around Lviv. The peasants could live and prosper around the railway and protected by it". In other times Gravchenko would have refused with anger to compromise his ideals: he despised the blatant economic imperialism that Marslava had practiced so well in Serbia, Romania and Anatolia. However, now, he felt that he did not have much time. If he wanted his project of a new society to function he would have to get a guarantee that there would be no Polish government capable of interfering with the peasants' freedom. Thus he accepted the proposal: the new railway would pass from Lviv, but there would be no interference with local politics and the peasants would ensure themselves the security in that area. The peasants, who knew that land like their pockets, would resist to any attempt to impose foreign forces. The two men left, having secured a deal. The youngest asked: "Is it not a paradox to lend support to both Polish and Ukrainian element, what will happen when they clash?" Edited by Alberto, Sep 7 2014, 11:41 AM.
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| Alberto | Sep 7 2014, 02:00 PM Post #6 |
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Resident Italian
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Czech Border The lieutenant von Lichnowski was a young noble coming from one of the country's most distinguished families. The Lichnowskis were peculiar because, of all Marslava's families, they had best adapted to the new era: they had foregone the old conventions, harnessed the forces of capitalism, and acquired a wealth that allowed them to stand out even without their aristocratic title. The von Lichnowskis had bought a large number of actions of the society that financed the construction of the so-called Trans-European Railway. The profits to be had were huge, but the risks involved were important as well. For that reason, the young Lieutenant had volounteered to serve among the forces that protected the constructions of that railway. At least, even as a humble lieutenant, he would be able to contribute to the success of his family's endeavours. The railway would start from Prague, continue through Wroclaw and Krakow, go south in Ukraine and make it to the Russian sphere - up to Moscow. This was hardly the shortest and most convenient path: the railway could have crossed Marslava and Romania, to then go up to Russia through Moldova and Ukraine. However, the conceivers of the railway were not seeking simplicity. Von Lichnowski explained the existence of this railway as a means for Marslava's economic imperialism. To him, after many wars, Marslava had finally understood that the old fashioned military imperialism was not cost-efficient. It could pursue instead a robust economic imperialism: the railway, as well as the infratructures built in Serbia, were steps to create a large economic area where the slov would be used and where the economic decisions could be taken in Prague. The Poles, the Romanians and the Serbians could be left to bicker with each other, but their economies would be one with Marslava's. In such a context, Marslava's considerable military power was very secondary. The real conqueror were the slovs that Prague spread throughout Poland and the Balkans. The young lieutenants did not expect much action, and until then he had been proved right. Every night he led a column to patrol the surroundings of the railway constructions, he passed through the village of Lubawka and stopped short of the communists' territory. As usual the young lieutenant commanded his men outside of their garrison and disposed patrols around the works. He divided his platoon and took over one half, while letting the sergeant Gerzen lead the other. Lubawka laid at the foot of a hill, which gently went up to the heigth of three hundred metres: every night the Marslavan sentries staid there until dawn, looking at the lights of the city (because not much happened). But this time von Lichnowski saw that things were different. He and his men saw sudden explosions and lights, followed by storm like sounds. It was an impressive duel of artilleries. It had started in the east, the side controlled by the socialist government, and at the west the communists responded with all what they had. This was especially surprising since the two sides were not supposed to have such weapons. And they did not lack of ammunitions! The duel continued for three hours. Then , as the cannons staid silent, the noise of firearms echoed. The young lieutenant was living his first battle, as a spectator. Katowice Katowice, an insignificant city, had been razed to the ground by the "Serbian" artillery. The Serbs' commander, Colonel Zivkovic, had served in the Marslavan artillery and was extremely methodical in preparing the offensive. His prime priority, in preparing the attack, was to bolster the socialist forces' fire power. He expected the communist commander, a methodical man, to do the same. However, Zivkovic would not attack on one, precise, narrow front as it had been done during the Papal Wars. Instead, he ordered a sery of attacks on a wider front preceded by bombardements in points disconnected from each other. The idea was to confuse the enemy and trick to prepare their defenses in the wrong point. Close to dawn, the Polish infantry attacked. For the socialists, this was the last chance to win the war. For the communists, this was their last step toward victory. Both fought with alacrity. A first assault at the communist center was repelled, but a second assault at their right finally succeeded and broke the enemy front. The Polish forces engaged into a desperate hand to hand fight as the communists tried to fill the breach. At the same time an attack at the communist left wing added more problems for the defenders. The "Serbian" artillery, in the meantime, had continued to bomb the second lines, disrupting communications and the movement of reinforcements. By light, the communist commander had to order a withdrawal. The socialists had won a battle and had guaranteed their survival. Now, they would have to attack and retake control of Wroclaw. |
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11:36 AM Jul 13