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The Muslim problem in the Philippines articulates substantially how the dominance and superiority of the Christianized majority could be rationalized as presented earlier. There is no equivocation on this as the roots of the conflict situation explain how the coutnry was anointed to inherit the colonial cultures, perpetuating its perception and attitudes towards the centuries-old adversary of its Spanish master from thereon. It is thus irony to claim the Organic Act on Muslim Mindanao and the 1996 Peace Agreement as solutions whereby they simply disguise or rationalize a state of colonial relations. Both the constitutional provision on autonomy and the mechanics of implementation incorporated in the 1996 Peace Agreement are mere overlay of the national bureaucracy. What seems to be the “autonomous” feature of this agreement is that Muslims are employed in key positions as well as the rank and file of agencies of the government. But even the manpower requirements of the ARMM are not 100% recruited from the Muslim population; non-Muslim (Christians) are given the privilege to occupy high-level positions as is the case of the Special Zone of Peace and Development (SZOPAD) which is equally composed of non-Muslims in its highest policy-making body. The supposed “special” status of the autonomous regional government is illusory, considering that major bureaucratic functions are already devolved to local government units throughout the country.