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![]() Founder: Dom | Prime Minister: Vacant| RP Ministers: Vacant ..:: YOUR NEWS : 16 OCT '14 ::.. ***Things That Happened, Did*** |
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| The Abėrian Media; News from the Kingdom of Abėrė, Sketerra | |
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| Tweet Topic Started: Nov 13 2013, 07:37 AM (1,132 Views) | |
| Hadash | Nov 13 2013, 07:37 AM Post #1 |
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New Law Seeks to Attract Foreign Investment in Abėrė Gazeta Abėrė The Kuvendi, our national parliament, passed by a majority vote a new law, which aim to attract an increase of foreign investment in the Kingdom of Abėrė. The law was proposed by Fatos Baqė, lawyer and lawmaker, member of the ruling party. According to the new law, any foreigner who decides to invest more than $1.25 million in the country (purchaising real-state propierties, state bonds, or through direct business investment) could be granted with residency and even Abėrian citizenship, if they apply for. The applications will be reviewed by the Abėrian Committee on Naturalization, elected by the Abėrian Senate. However, the main and only task of the Committee will be checking if the applicants have started any criminal procedure in their home country, and citizenship will be granted administrative and automatically once that is confirmed. The aim of the law is, according to Baqė, to "generate investment and news jobs", which would help the national development of the country, and turn Abėrė into "one of the most important finacial centers of the Auterra region". Baqė declared that there wasn't anything controversial in offering residency status or even citizeship in exchange for a sizable financial contribution. He argued that similar laws already exist in many other countries, and accused the members of the Conservative Alliance -who opposed ardently the new law- of living in the past. The law was received positively by some trade and business organizations, by many critizised it, including the majority of the opposition political parties. ![]() Meanwhile, members of the Government relativized the importance of the new law. For example, Bashkim Amade, Minister of Regional and Economic Development, declared that, although the law will have "a positive impact on the national economy", its value will be more symbolical than real in the practice. "Rather that offering passport, as some said, we're mostly sending the message that Abėrė is both a trustworthy and interesting place for business, which is going to help our already strong national economic development", he declared. Edited by Hadash, Apr 17 2014, 07:50 AM.
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| Hadash | Jul 30 2014, 04:48 AM Post #16 |
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LĖBRAZHD RESISTS WHILE THE ENEMIES CONTINUE THEIR CRIMES AGAINST THE ABĖRIAN NATION Gazeta Abėrė | March-April 2028 ![]() Fire in Lindje-Lėbrazhd during the bombing last night. The Imperialist Coalition has increased their attacks against the Abėrian population in Lėbrazhd and other Abėrian cities. The district of Pikė, in the center of the city, was devastated by Carpathian and Goldecian bombs during the last weeks. There, the Ministries of Agriculture and Foreign Affairs, which were used as refugee of citizens who had lost their homes, along with the Kuvendi and the Lėbrazhd National Opera were completely destroyed, causing thousands of casualties between the civilians. Also the working neighborhoods of Lindje-Lėbrazhd and Drejtkėndor were aimed extensively by the enemy bombing. According to the Ministry of Information, around 500,000 civilians could have been killed since the beginning of the war. "This is clearly a genocide against the Abėrian nation", a Director of the Miitary Hospital of Lėbrazhd declared to the press. Our newspaper had also the chance of talking with the Chairman of the Abėrian police who told this newspaper about some of the situations witnessed by his men. "The bombing in such urban areas", the Chairman declared, "has produced a great number of fires in the last days. I myself could witness how, in one of those refuges, the damage of the enemy bombs are causing to the population of our capital. The bottom steps of the basement were slippery. The cellar floor was covered by a twenty centimetre deep liquid mixture of blood, flesh and bone...There must have been 200 or 300 people in that place on the night. Such scenes are becoming usual lately". But our Abėrian Armed Forces, with the Abėrian population in their side, are still resisting, and hoping for the final victory, which although difficult and painful, will come. Today, it was confirmed that, in the village of Hashqin, an enemy fighter was shotdown by members of the Abėrian Vanguard. The Abėrian Guard confirmed that the pilot had died consequence of the crash. Although the nationality of the plane wasn't confirmed, the Ministry of the Defense announced that the members of the unit will be awarded, and the Prime Minister himself encouraged all the population to follow the example of soldiers and volunters like them, in order to achieve the victory as soon as possible. |
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| Hadash | Aug 30 2014, 04:32 AM Post #17 |
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COMMUNIST LEADER COMES BACK FROM EXILE Gazeta Abėrė | Vernil 2028 Today, Agron Talakhė, leader of the Communist Party of the Kingdom of Abėrė, arrived to the National Airport of Lėbrazhd, after a 16-years exile. Talakhė, who is believed to have been living between Loundonia-Oesse and Hahklallah, came in a private flight from the latter country. Talakhė, 64, who has been the leader of the Communist Party for the last 27 years, is considered, despite his own age, an uncontested figure in the far-left political party. Along his leadership, the Communists were able to became the second-largest party, moved from reformist and revolutionary tactics easily, depending of the circumstances, face outlawing during the last years of Gazhmend IV, harsher repression during the Social Nationalist regime, and moved finally toward armed resistance following the invasion and collapse of ASNP's regime. He is considered a pragmatist politician, although with a clear authoritarian style. With the Communist Party legalized again, and with the party still controlling, although unofficially, larger areas of the North, the far-left organization is living his political momentum, although challenges and doubts are obvious for the revolutionary organization. ![]() Agron Talakhė, leaving the National Airport. In his first declaration to the press, the revolutionary leader didn't answer all those doubts. He declared that the end of the war meant also the end of the "old Abėrė", and the beginning of "a new Abėrė". As expected, though, Talakhė wasn't exactly clear about that coming Abėrė. He mentioned that his vision would entail the construction of a "Federal and Social State", likely to be formed by the Abaron archipelago, Artvelia, and the rest of Abėrė. He also demanded the resignation of current General Zhejė Government and the call for new democratic elections "as soon as possible". He, however, offered his collaboration to both the provisional government and the foreign occupation forces, although he was clear that the Communist won't join any government before the elections. Talakhė declared that the Communist were ready to be a responsible political forces, with the aim to bring the necessary changes that the country needs, but he was clear as well that they haven't renounced their Republican and Anti-Monarchist ideals. "The Crowd is tainted with decades of corruption and collaboration with the dictatorship", Talakhė declared, "...it's not a political preference but a democratic task to bring a new constitutional order". Finally, Talakhė declared his convention that "the Fascists will be punished...and their rotten ideology always death in Abėrian soil". However, he avoided to comment if he supported how Carpathian and their allies had led the war, or if he considered the Carpathian and Hahklallah states political models to emulate in Abėrė. "Every country is different, and so Socialism has different characteristics in each nation", he just declared. Talakhė wasn't clear about his position in the Artvelian issue. "There is time to deal with that", he answered in an evasive way. Although the prospects of the far-left organization seem good enough -in a recent poll, the Communist are likely to win the elections in competition with the United Democratic League, a loose coalition of liberal forces-, both the party and Talakhė's leadership have several challenges to deal with. Many consider, including many of his own comrades, that Talakhė is disconnected from the reality of the Abėrian nation, specially regarding the younger generations, after almost two decades living outside the Kingdom, even if they're not likely to declare so in public. But there are more serious political criticism in the ranks of the Communist Party. It's not secret that the the so-called Labour Faction (also known as "Socialist Right"), which dominated the Communist Party during the late 2010s, and generally linked with prominent union leaders, was very critical of Talakhė's leadership, which they considered too sectarian in relation with other leftist and moderate forces. A second opposition may become from the younger leaders of the so-called "Proletarian Left", a radical current inside the Communist Party which was involved in the creation of the Abėrian National Front, the armed resistance force which spread along the Northern and Eastern provinces during the last month of the war. Many of those young leaders aren't probably so patient as Talakhė, and they're ready to overthrow the Monarchy. It is not clear if Talakhé will be to appease and reach a compromise with both currents, keeping the Communist Party together, in such delicate situation. The future, and maybe the failure, of the country will depend on those efforts. Edited by Hadash, Aug 30 2014, 04:42 AM.
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| Hadash | Sep 2 2014, 10:42 PM Post #18 |
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BASHKIM III ANOUNNCES HIS ABDICATION Abėrian Daily News | July 2028 Prime Minister Zhejė declared the day before that an important announcement was going to happen the next day, after a meeting with several parties of the opposition, but most of the citizens were shocked when King Bashkim III announced this morning his decision to abdicate, after only six years in the throne. Baskhim declared that his decision was a personal and medidated one, and he assured that he hadn't pressured. "I believe that a new era has started", he said in his televised message, "and this decision should help to start such change, without affecting the traditions and stability of our country". The first announcement about the abdication came from Prime Minister General Zhejė, who told reporters: "His Majesty King Bashkim III has just confirmed me of his desire to renounce the throne and begin the process of succession". In his discourse, the Monarch asked to the Abėrian people to remain calm and together, in these difficult times". Baskhim III, who came to the throne after the death of his father Gazhmend IV in 2022, wasn't an exactly popular Monarch. He was crowned with ASNP Prime Minister Shqipėrė already in power, and he didn't or couldn't stop the Social Nationalists consolidation in power, losing many of his own constitutional powers. He was often criticized for his expensive way of life, and many rumours existed about his youth and his eccentric personality, which he always denied. He lacked the popularity of his father, even if that decreased in his late years, and many considered him a weak Monarch. Baskhim, 51 and father of two daughters, didn't reveal any hint about his own future. He announced, however, that he will be succeeded by his sister, Princess Mimoza. Next Monday, Bashkim will sign the bill formally abdicating in favour of the Princess. Mimoza, 29, also a daughter of late King Gazhmend IV, although from his second marriage, will become the second Sovereign Queen in the history of the Kingdom of Abėrė. Princess Mimoza was formely Grand-Duchess of Abaron for 16 months, until she was secretly detained by the ASNP's regime. She was kept in a secret prison for the last six years, only been released during the war. This information shocked the nation, as her location was unknown. Princess Mimoza, who studied Abėrian Law and Political Sciences in the National University of Lėbrazhd is specially popular in the Abaron archipelago, which autonomy and constitutional rights were increased during her short reign, but it is not clear how the nation will react to his crowning, which will happen before the end of the month. No further announcement or declaration was made by the Princess or the Royal House. Meanwhile, Agron Talakhė, the leader of the Communist Party, has expressed satisfaction with the abdication of the Bashkim III, as the Monarch "hadn't the moral authority to continue as Head of State after the Dictatorship", the Communist leader said, "but this was not a personal issue, but an institutional one. This have started a political debate that the Government can't ignore". Talakhė has called for a referendum on the future of the monarchy, which should decide if the monarchy continues or a Republic is proclaimed, with a new Provisional Government. The Communist Party of the Kingdom of Abėrė, along other left-wing groups have already called for protests in support of the referendum. However, the Provisional Government has already declared that is not going to happen, and that such call is "unlawful and absurd". Other opposition parties, such as the United Democratic League has expressed their support to the Monarchy, while others have expressed their doubts about the succession procedure, although most of them have confirmed they won't join the anti-Monarchist protests. Edited by Hadash, Sep 2 2014, 10:43 PM.
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| Hadash | Sep 3 2014, 01:45 PM Post #19 |
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INTERVIEW WITH PRINCESS MIMOZA ATV1 | July 2028 Question: As I mentioned before, we've a very special guest today, Her Highness Princes Mimoza Loshė who, following the abdication of King Bashkim, will be crowned in three weeks. Mimoza: It is a pleasure being here. ![]() Question: The abdication of your brother, Your Highness, certainly shocked and surprised the nation. But how did you receive it? How was it decided? Mimoza: Well, about the motivation of Baskhkim, my brother, I can't answer you. He already mentioned in his speech. In any case, it's not me who should answer that question, but him. Obviously, the decision didn't surprise me, as you may understand. We had long conversations about this issue, until the final decision was made. I can tell you it is not something it was decided until very recently, relatively. It is not something I had thought or imagined either, and it required a long meditation for my part. Question: There are rumours that the abdication was suggested by the Goldecian and Carpathian Government. I'm not suggesting...but you may know that such rumours exists. Mimoza: That is not true. I can tell you that is not true. No foreign government was consulted, even informed, because this was considered a sovereign decision of our country. I can't tell you, because I ignore it, when those government were exactly informed about my brother's decision. Bu I can tell they ignored it until the decision had been already decided. Question: Alright, Your Highness. This succession wasn't only an unexpected, but certainly an unprecedented one in the history of our nation, in the history of the Kingdom, considering your personal circumstances during the last seis years. What could you say about it, to our viewers, to the Abėrian people? Mimoza: Well...as you can imagine, it wasn't a pleasant experience. But it already belongs to the past. We shouldn't forget what happened in the last six years in our country, but we need to look to the future. As a society, we need to move on, build the future, without forgetting the past. Question: It was even written you were the first victim of Shiqpėrė's regimen. Mimoza: That's a title I'm not looking for. Sadly, I wasn't the first and I wasn't the last. In a certain way, I was lucky. There are people who experienced a worse fate. But it is my role, my responsability, to look to the future. Question: Alright, let's change of topic. Recent polls, even those before the King's abdication, showed that the support of the Monarchy was still high, even if that feeling wasn't unanimous. Some political organizations, specially the Communist Party and its leader, have demanded a referendum about if the Monarchy should be continued or not. What could you say about such situation, if I can ask? Mimoza: I'm aware of that situation, of course. I have to say it is not something that it would depend of my will, even on the will of the Provisional Government. First, there is a legal and constitutional procedure, which has to be followed. Second, we should realize which situation we're living. We're in a transitional period, we could say. The country has been devastated by a war, we're facing a very complicated economic situation, and there are many issues we have to deal with, most of them quickly and efficiently, and this is something we have to do together, as a society. It's not something it will depend on my will to decide if it will be a referendum or it will not. But the form of state is not something that will be imposed on the society. It will be one aspect more that should be decided during the next months, following some established legal and constitutional procedures...But let me clear on this: the Monarchy will exist as long as the majority of the citizens want so. The day a majority of our people is against the Monarchy, the Monarchy won't survive. If that day comes, soon or later, we should see which constitutional procedures may follow. But until that day comes, there are other many issues that must be solved. Question: I believe your answer was convincing, Your Highness. You declared before that it is time to move forward, but at the same time we shouldn't forget what happened during the last years. But many people, journalists, writers, historians, have been asking the same question recently, about how we, the Abėrians, should avoid what happened, and the reasons why it happened. Many people are also comparing, even if the situation is different and, sadly, even worse, that six years ago. Today, as six years ago, the country was in a worrying economic situation. As six years ago, there are some serious threats to the social order, as the threats of separatism and violent revolution...What is your assessment, your opinion, about this issue? Mimoza: That is not an easy question. In many issues, we're under a worst situation. Six years ago, the economic situation wasn't as bad as it is today, where the country has been destroyed by the disaster of the war, the crimes of the previous governments, many lives losts...But at the same time, we should learn something about avoding the mistakes of the recent past. We should learn from our own mistakes. It would be easy to say that the last six years were something that happened for some incomprehensible reason, and all we need it is continue where we were then. No, the dictatorship, the war didn't fall from the sky, it happened for a reason, for a combination of circumstances. We must learn from that experience, in order to avoid that happening again. We, as a society, we make many mistakes which have fatal consequences. Not only the political system as a whole, but the cultural and economic elites, the civil society, the media, the political organizations, the society and economy we built those years, the education system...we should all learn from that experience. Question: Excuse me but...Would those mistakes include the Monarchy, as an institution...? Mimoza: It is not my role to judge the reign of my father...historians will. I think many advances were made during those years, in constitutional rights, for example, but many wrong decisions and mistakes, certainly. Not all the mistakes, those committed by the Crown, the political system, the civil society, are comparable, in the same level, but the people who are in a higher position, we have more responsability. That is a lesson we should learn, and contribute the best we can to our society. That is our task, the task of everyone of us. Question: Moving to the present...Which will it be your first decision once you're crowned Queen, Your Highness? Mimoza: Well, the first I will do is to meet with Prime Minister Zhejė, to discuss the present situation, and with representatives of the other parties, along the civil society, to discuss our next steps, which I believe involve next elections as soon as possible. And I will meet as well with representatives of the occupation forces, of course, in order to fullfil the compromises regarding the Peace Agreement. Question: One of the key issues, and one of the most controversial as well, of the Peace Agreement is regarding the prosecution of the ASNP leaders who were, supposedly, involved in war crimes and crimes against sapient rights. Will it be a change on this issue. Mimoza: This is not an issue which would depend on my will, neither on the current or next Abėrian Government. These compromise should be carried out in negotiations with the occupation forces. The International Commission has already started its work, and our role is to support his work. My opinion is that they should be prosecuted here, in Abėrian soil, under Abėrian laws, but it's not something that will depend entirely on us. We must understand that this is a complicated issue, which should be solved in a delicate way. Question: Precisely, another delicate issue, for the public opinion, was the war itself, the experience of the war. The ASNP regime wasn't a democratic one, and it could be argued that they have a very limited support. However, the consequences for the population were devastating. Several millions of citizens were displaced, or even suffered ethnic cleansing or violence, families destroyed. According to official forces, between 11.000-45.000 civilians died, according to some sources even more than 80.000. It is not clear that the Abėrian citizens can still understand such situation, and which was more brutal, if the authoritarian regime or the war itself. Mimoza: That is, again, a very complicated question. I said before that we should learn about our mistakes, to avoid the suffering our country experienced in the last years. Probably, the international community should ask himself the same question about this war. When war, the lost of thousands and thousands of lives, innocent lives, is justified and when it's not. If the principles that the international community declares to embrace are supposed to be protected according to the principle of proportionality, as common law established, or they're not. If that destruction and horror is justified when all the diplomatic ways aren't exactly exhausted, or even tried. Those are question that the international community should ask itself, and maybe some lesson will be learnt from this war. Maybe future suffering could be avoided in this way. This is, some may say, a philosophical question. But it is an important one. Question: Most of the public opinion supports clearly the prosecution of the crimes by the ASNP's regime, both during and before the war. But there is a minority, but apparently increasing, opinion that there is some hypocrisy in this International Commission. That some of the, supposed, acts of the Allied Forces could have constitute war crimes, along as the crimes and killings of Artvelian and Communist militias, which involved ethning cleansing of thousands, even a million, of Abėrian citizens, which the Allied Forces didn't, at least, avoid. And as well as the reports about the execution of hundreds of prisioners by the Communist militias in the North. Mimoza: Many awful things happened in the war, that's certain, and many of those may constitute war crimes. But we shouldn't turn the war in something that will divided our society forever. On the contrary, it must be keep together even more than before the war, before the dictatorship. The creation, bythe next parliament, of a Special Commission to investigate all those supposed crimes but with proportionality and responsability may be studied. That's something that must be discussed. Justice and responsability is needed, not vengeance. Question: It's not difficult to agree, Your Highness, regarding the fact that responsability is need in a situation like the present one, but many people ask themselves if all the political forces will be able to act with such responsability. Many are afraid, not without justification, that as six years ago our country was destroyed by far-right and authoritarian forces, today there is the risk that the constitutional order could be destroyed by another kind of extremism: the Communism, the violent revolution, the far-left armed gangs, the mob rule. Mimoza: I believe that all political and democratic forces, from the right to the left, are able to contribute to the consolidation of the constitutional order, the prosperity of our country and the peace. Certainly, I can say that I was never a Communist...but I believe many members of the Communist Party, whatever we may share their ideas and moral or not, joined them because they wanted to contribute for the a better Abėrė, for democracy and prosterity, and they suffered persecution during the dictatorship. It is time to the leadership of the Communist Party to show with their acts that they can contribute to our society, a force to consolidation of peace and order. I believe there are some principles we, the Abėrian society as a whole, agree: constitutional and democratic institution, building an open and inclusive society, the rule of the law...I don't think that the Communist Party or any of the main political forces really disagree with those principles. It is time for them to show they can really contribute to our society. I hope that will be achieved. Question: Certainly, Your Highness, there is another important challenger the constitutional order is facing: the situation in the Western provinces, regarding with the Artvelian forces. Can an agreement be reached, peacefully? Mimoza: I hope so. I consider as equal members of our country, of our society, to all the citizens of the Kingdom, indepedently of their ethnicity, gender, religion...All are equal members of our society, and I think a negotiated solution could be reached. I think there are grounds for understanding, not only for this issue, but for any other regarding the new future we are building together. Question: Would it involve such agreement a similar status that the one which was granted for the Grand-Duchy of Abaron, or rather a federalization of the country? Will it be a constitution for the Kingdom? Mimoza: Those are questions I can't really answer, they don't depend on my will. Probably a similar agreement such as the 1981 one would be complicated today. Those were very different circumstances. But it was a system which worked well, so maybe some aspects could be adopted, while others improved. The final agreement will depend on negotiations between all political forces and, of course, the will of the Abėrian people, in free and fair elections. I believe that such agreement is possible. Yes, I believe a democratic constitution is the frame where all our differences could be solved. Question: Which would it be the role of the Crown in that new constitutional order? Mimoza: That should be decided during this transitional period. I believe the role of the Monarchy is to become a stabilizing element which may help to achieve that agreement, contributing to the popular cohesion and the constitutional order, but without interfering with the democratic governance. The role of the Monarchy should be to serve and protect the national sovereignty, which resides in the people, the citizens of the Kingdom, not the other way. It is my wish to contribute to that role. Question: However, the current constitutional order gives the Monarch broader constitutional powers. Mimoza: That's true. It is my intention to use those powers only to contribute to the constitutional transition, not to obstruct it. Question: There is also the fear, justified or not, that the transitional process may be affected to by internal influence, but external one. Do you believe such concern regarding the occupation forces is justified? Mimoza: It is not, I hope. We should realize that we're facing an exceptional situation. We're under foreign occupation, which will require the acceptance -for a temporary period of time- of some terms which are unusual for any sovereign nation. But let me clear on this: it will be my role to fulfill those requirements and compromises which were established in the Treay of Peace. Those agreement should and will be respected. However, beyond those agreement, our national sovereignty should be respected, and we couldn't be forced to accept anything that it is not written or established in the mentioned agreements. The success of the current transitional process would require that both sides understand such situation. Question: That was our last question. Thank you, Your Majesty. Mimoza: You're welcome. Edited by Hadash, Sep 3 2014, 01:49 PM.
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| Hadash | Sep 3 2014, 10:56 PM Post #20 |
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PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS ANNOUNCED Gazete Abėrė | August 2028 Following negotiations and talks between the Queen, the Prime Minister, and most of the opposition parties, Kuvendi elections have been called for October 4, and a month later, elections for the reformed General Council (Upper House). It was agreed that the Kuvendi elections will be organized by a new electoral law, which includes a mixed electoral system, while the General Council will work through a majority system, with no members appointed by either the Monarch nor the Government, as it was usual under the Basic Law of the Kingdom, which will be reformed. The formula chosen was controversial, because it will imply that the new parliament would have to deal with a Monarch with executive powers, as the Basic Law of the Kingdom establishes. However, Queen Mimoza has promised that she will only appoint a Prime Minister which is proposed and supported by the majority of the parliament. The reformed General Council will be in charge of passing the budget and appointed a Constitutional Commission, which would discuss and propose a new constitution which should be first approved by a majority of the Kuvendi (Lower House), and later approved in a national referendum. The Communist Party is expected to win the Kuvendi elections, although recent polls have showed a slighly decrease, while the General Council elections will be likely more divided. The Communist Party The Communist Party of the Kingdom of Abėrė, legalized agains after 15 years of underground activity, is heading most of national polls, and it is expected to be the most voted political party, although many considered that the polls may exaggerated their prospectives. The Communists are led by Agron Talakhė, their veteran leader, and their support is specially concentrated in the North and some districts of Progonė and Lėbrazhd. The Communist Party have become a controversial force, not only for their position agains the Monarchy, but for their control of armed militias in the Northern provinces, and the, alleged, covert support by some of the foreign occupation forces. It is not clear if the Government would achieve to disarm the militias before the elections, a demand from both the government and most of the opposition parties. The Communists have moderated some of their demands, but many doubts of their democratic credentials The United Democratic League The United Democratic League of the Kingdom of Abėrė (UDL-KA), a centrist coalition formed by the Liberal Party, the Democratic Party, the Constitutional Alliance, and the Progressive Democratic Party, along other liberal and moderate organizations, is the most clear electoral competence for the Communists. The UDL-KA leadership combined veteran politicians, most of them imprisoned or exiled during the dictatorship, with unexperienced politicians of the younger generation. The coalition, openly Monarchist, have proposed a centrist and free-market program, with a moderate stance in social and foreign policy. The Federalist Party The Federalist Party is a recently founded political party, led by Besmir Krajati, former Prime Minister of the Grand-Duchy of Abaron. The Federalist Party, with a center-right and centrist stance on more issues, is formed by former members of the Abaron Union, the most important local political force of the archipelago, and the Artvelian Constitutional Party, and the Democratic Party. The Federalist Party proposes a federal state to solve the territorial issue as main policy. The Left Alliance The Left Alliance is a center-left coalition formed by the Social Democratic Party and the Abėrian Labour Party. The Left Alliance has a more moderate program than the Communists, and it is divided on the issue of the Monarchy (with the Social Democratic Party supporting it while the Abėrian Labour Party having a more ambiguous stance). The expectations of the center-left coalition was low, but it has increased its support in the last weeks. The Artvelian parties Most of Artvelian political parties announced that they will not participate in the elections, as the Council of Artvelia has announced recently a referendum aimed to proclaim the Artvelian independence. However, some Artvelian organizations forces, such as the center-left and secular Artvelian Republican Party, and the right-wing Artvelian Coalition will participate in the elections. While the Artvelian Republican Party hasn't renounce to its anti-Monarchist and separatist stance, the Artvelian Coalition is a center-right coalition gathering most of ethnic-Artvelians in the archipelago and the Eastern provinces, which are believed to have a more moderate position in the stance of independence. The Conservatives Following the collapse of the old Conservative Party, many new conservatives political parties have been formed, with a shared ideology but important political differences. One of them is the Conservative Democratic Party, a Monarchist and Conservative party created by formed members of the Conservative Party. However, this party is believed to have very limited chances of being elected to the Kuvendi, as the old conservative voters seem to have moved to other political forces. Another political party with better changes of being elected is the Abėrian Smallholders Agrarian Party, a political party mostly based in the agrarian central provinces, with a program focused mostly in issues regarding the agriculture sector. Both the CDP and ASAP have a very conservative position on social issues, while openly Monarchist and anti-Communist. The Nationalists Many right-wing and far-right political parties have founded recently, many of them with claimed or alleged links with the today banned Abėrian Social Nationalist Party, while other having only some ideological similarities. Already seven of those organizations were banned by the Supreme Court, and many may follow soon. These decisions were controversial, not for the banning itself, but because the members of the Supreme Court were reappointed, directly elected by the Provisional Government and the former Monarch, without parliamentary approval. One of the far-right organizations which the Supreme Court should decide its legality is the ultra-conservative National Traditionalist Party, heir of the controversial Traditionalist Movement, which belonged to the ASNP-backed Fatherland Front. However, the Nationalist Traditionalist Party has rejected any relation with the ASNP's regime, despite the fact that some of their local members have been recently accused of being former members of the Traditionalist Volunteers, a radical ultra-conservative organization which was behind the attack of the Carpathian embassy several years ago. Other organization which legality is pending is the National Abėrian Party, founded by Ervin Malėsh, who is the younger brother of Fisnik Malėsh, who was Minister of Foreign Affairs between 2022 and 2226, during Prime Minister Shqipėrė's Government, and which current location is unknown. Ervin, however, who was himself an ASNP member between 2024 and 2026, have rejected any relation with the Social Nationalist regime, even claiming both he and his brother were "dissidents and victims of Kaj's Government". The NAP has a populist program, openly opposed to the foreign occupation and the Communist influence, although the party claims to reject both the violence and "any form of discrimination". The NAP, however, openly defends, as many Nationalist organizations, the idea of a "Greater Abėrė" which would unite all ethnic-Abėrians, including those living beyond the borders of the Kingdom. The National Abėrian Party is opposed to any kind of federalization of the country. Many NAP's meetings and buildings were attacked by members of the Communist militias. Unlike most of traditional far-right organizations, including the ASNP, Malėsh's NAP is openly anti-Monarchist. Malėsh's remarks are often controversial, recently claiming that -although condenming Egzon Kaj's role in the war-, that the Abėrian Armed Forces could have been able to win the war, but they were "stab in the back" by both the Monarch and the nobility-background military leadership". A third and more controversial organization is the National People's Party, an ultra-conservative and nationalist organization founded by Ermal Janmė. A controversial figure, Janmė is a former member of the Conservative Party. Janmė was jailed during the dictatorship between 2024 and 2027, as his positions radicalized since the end of the war, rejecting to join any of the other Conservative parties. He founded his own party, the NPP, last June. The National People's Party, with a ultra-conservative and authoritarian program, is openly opposed to the foreign occupation and not only demand the disarmament of the Communist militias, but the illegalization of the Communist Party. The National People's Party shares the Irredentist ideology of most of Nationalist organizations, demanding the protection of the Abėrian minorities in other countries "even by military actions, when needed", but it has an unusual position regarding the Artvelian issue: it is not opposed to an Artvelian independent state, which would include the "peaceful relocation of all ethnic-Artvelians from the capital and the Eastern provinces" (this "Artvelian State", however, would not included those Abėrian-majority areas in Artvelia). Janmė has rejected the claim that his party can be considered a far-right or extremist organizations, rejecting the use of violence. "We only defend the traditional values of the Abėrian nation", he recently declared to the press. The National People's Party is often accused, though, to try to appeal to former ASNP voters. Other news:
Edited by Hadash, Sep 4 2014, 05:51 AM.
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| Hadash | Sep 4 2014, 05:15 AM Post #21 |
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TERRORIST ASSASSINATION IN ERSYRĖ Gazeta Abėrė | September 2028 A bomb has killed today two citizens and wounded other three in the city of Ersyrė. One of the three wounded, a member of the recently created Abėrian Guard, was severely affected by the explosion. The other two wounded already recovered from their wounds, which were superficial. Stanish Arant, 57, and his brother Fatmir, 51, died as soon as they opened their car, which had installed a magnetic bomb, according to experts consulted by this newspaper. Stanish Arant, who was under protection, is believed to be the aim of the terrorist attack. This has been the first terrorist assassination since the end of the war. However, it is not the first case of terrorist activity, as last May ASNP-linked cell was discovered in Qėnderė. ![]() Location of the terrorist attack, a hour after the explosion. Stanish Arant, who was under state protection, was a controversial figure. Arant, a former prestigious prosecutor, had been a member of the Kuvendi, the Lower House of the Parliament, as candidate of the Liberal Party. He was, however, appointed General Prosecutor by former Prime Minister Gjokė Shqipėrė in 2022, and he was behind the Zeshga Case, which led to the conviction and, in some cases, execution, of several military officers and members of the opposition, including the Conservative and Liberal parties. The process was based on false charges, as it was recently revealed, the process was based on a conspiration which, in fact, had been organized by the then Minister of National Security Egzon Kaj. Two weeks after the end of the war, Arant was detained. He claimed that he had accepted such role only because the Kombėtarojė, the ASNP-controlled militia, had threatened to kill his family. He was currently under house arrest, in a secret location, as he had offered to collaborate with the justice. He was considered a key witness in the International Commission against the ASNP regime, specially regarding the manipulation of the justice system during the dictatorship, and revealing information about the legal aspects of the repression during Shqipėrė's Governments. Minister of Defense General Dardanė has confirmed that a criminal investigation has already started, and the terrorist will be found and punished. No statement from the occupation forces has been released yet. The Nationalist Revolutionary Front has claimed the attack, accusing Arant of "being a traitor and a collaborator with the occupation forces". The terrorist organization, which was unheard until today, has proclaimed, in an online statement, that "all the collaborators and enemies of the Abėrian nation will be punished" and they will continue with their "resistance and struggle until the country is freed from foreign domination". Edited by Hadash, Sep 4 2014, 05:17 AM.
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| Hadash | Sep 9 2014, 12:03 AM Post #22 |
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INTERVIEW WITH CARPATHIAN DICTATOR WOLFE Gazeta Abėrė | September 2028 Gazeta Abėrė: We're going to divide this interview in three parts: the War, the Occupation, and the Post-Occupation. Several officials and representatives from the Occupation Forces, including Carpathian and Goldecian ones, have declared several times that the war was just and justified. As we can understand, many of those declarations were destined to the national audiences and voters, rather to the Abėrian citizens. Do you agree with that statement, or you consider that the ASNP could have been dealt in another way? Dictator Wolfe: The causes of this war were, in many ways, a lot more complex than the public everywhere assumes them to be. I can not speak for Goldecia, but we, in the Allied States, have had extensive experience in dealing with far-right totalitarian regimes and how they develop. During the embassy crisis, if you recall, I was one of those Carpathian officials who did their best to prevent a war from happening, by delaying to sign the war declaration. At the time, we had felt that the ASNP would pay close attention to the causes of that situation and that they would understand the warning. Of course, it turned out that it wasn't so. This situation is, of course, very different from that one. Adding an attack on the citizens of an allied nation into the equation, dramatically changes the situation. We considered every option and military action was certainly the last thing we wanted, but sometimes you have to choose the lesser evil, in order to prevent a greater one. When it comes to far-right regimes, a negotiation does not work in the usual, normal way, where both sides give something. Our experience teaches us that giving any ground to a fascist regime, will only lead to them making even more demands and resorting to more threats, as they view diplomacy as a way for them to blackmail other nations into giving them what they want. This is made obvious by the fact that they would take innocent civilians as hostages, something which no civilized state would do. You see, fascist regimes are ruled by hate, fear and violence, three things which are lifted to a whole new level with the utmost fanaticism. You can not negotiate with a hate-drunk opponent, because his main objective is to simply punch you in the face. When such an attitude overcomes an entire government, the results are atrocious, as their oppression tends to get progressively worse, until they reach a point where they start committing mass murders against any group that they dislike. As a proof to this, I want to mention all the political prisons that the ASNP had set up, as well as their execution of the hostages and their usage of civilians as human shields during the war. I will not deny that going to war was wrong. It was necessary... and wrong. Gazeta Abėrė: Do you think that the Allied Forces make some serious mistakes during the course of the war, consciously or unconsciously, which had and are having consequences in the post-war situation? Dictator Wolfe: First I want to point out that the soldiers only take orders and the conduct of the military is often only as good as it is dictated by the government which commands it. I do not want this response to be taken as an accusation against the soldiers who only followed their orders. Does the Aberian army have a sense of honor and morality? It certainly does, as was demonstrated by the fact that the military leadership could not stand the abuses which they were witnessing and in the end, they took matters into their own hands and overthrew the ASNP. Did they commit acts which violate that morality and lead to post-war complications? They did that as well, through their use of civilians as human shields, but they only did so because they were ordered to do it. This we understand and we harbor no ill will towards them, as these mistakes were as traumatic to them, as they were to the civilian population. The consequence to this is that it will take a long time for Abere to recover from the shock of this war, both psychologically and socially, but I am confident that they can overcome this issue and I shall ensure that they are provided with as much help as possible, in order to do so. Gazeta Abėrė: Regarding the International Commission which is aimed to judge the war crimes and the severe violations of sapients rights during the ASNP, many consider that the work of the Commission is being, at least, a bit opaque. Although we can understand that could be consequence of practical reasons, there are important issues which haven't been clarified, neither by the Abėrian Government neither the Allied Forces. Would the accused judge in Abėrian soil and according to Abėrian legislation? Will there be extraditions to any of the Allied Forces then? How do you value the work of the Commission so far? Dictator Wolfe: Investigations this serious can certainly be opaque, especially in their early stages. I am not personally aware of the progress of the Commission, as for the sake of the independence of justice, the political apparatus is not informed of their proceedings and we only learn of them at the same time the public does, when they release a communique. As for the matter of where the trials will take place, it will have to be outside Abere, due to security reasons which you can understand. By which laws they will be judged, is a tricky question as we do not have any international court which would dictate how this matter should proceed. This is an issue which shall be decided only after extensive discussion, between all involved parties, including Abere itself. As for how I evaluate the work of the Commission, I am certain that they are taking their job very seriously and are being very thorough. Beyond that, I can not offer any more comments, as I don't know any more than you do. Gazeta Abėrė: Returning to the topic of the war...Don't you think that it was mistake to arm to non-state groups, such as the Communist and the Artvelian groups, which existence seems incompatible, or at least pose a serious threat to the creation of a stable constitutional order? Dictator Wolfe: This is a very difficult question, partly because our efforts to arm these groups, have been minimal at best and they seem to be doing a very good job at procuring equipment, all by themselves. When the coalition forces entered the western and northern provinces, the situation which we found there, was very surprising. The insurgents had already secured vast swathes of land and our forces often marched into a city, only to discover that it had already been taken by rebel forces. Was it wrong for them to take up arms against an oppressor? As the citizen of a nation which has suffered a civil war only thirty years ago, I can not condemn their decision. And from a practical point of view, if they had not made this decision, the war would have lasted longer and Abere would have suffered even more destruction. Gazeta Abėrė: The Artvelians, or rather the so-called Council of Artvelia, has called for a referendum and a second unilateral declarion of independence...Will Carpathia recognize the Artvelian Government? If so, wouldn't it be a violation of the peace agreements? How do you propose to solve the Artvelian issue? Dictator Wolfe: The question of Artvelian independence is one which needs a lot of discussion and debate. Would we recognize their independence? It depends on a number of factors, one of which being that such a referendum be conducted in accordance to the law. It would have to be internationally monitored and an agreement would have to be reached with the Aberian government. However, I would recommend a different solution to this problem, this being federalization. The Allied States themselves, are a federation and a multi-cultural one, at that, with the accession of Al-Ishal in 2005. A multi-cultural, multi-ethnic state can certainly work, which is why we choose to recommend this solution. Do they pose a threat to the establishment of constitutional order? Not necessarily, if they are involved in the negotiation process for determining what that order will be. Should this issue be decided now? We believe that the priority, right now, is to resolve the humanitarian crisis. Political issues can wait. Gazeta Abėrė: What do you expect from the next Abėrian parliamentary elections? Dictator Wolfe: In the interest of preserving our policy of neutrality and non-interference, I can not offer any comments in regards to that, with the exception of congratulating Abere as a whole, for its first free and open elections in a long time and to wish them a good luck in their path to establishing a fair and just government. Gazeta Abėrė: Do you consider there's ground for growing divisions between the Allied Forces? Which is your main concern regarding the next Abėrian Government? Dictator Wolfe: I do not believe that there will be any divisions between the coalition members. As I have stated, our policy is one of non-interference in regards to this issue. As for my main concern, it is not a political one, but one in regard to security. The ASNP may have been overthrown and decapitated, but it has not been eradicated yet. Many ASNP cells have gone underground and my greatest fear is that they may attempt to cause violence, in order to disrupt the elections. For this reason, we shall be taking every precaution to insure that such risks will be prevented. What will these precautions be? Aside from increased military presence and patrols, I can not offer any information without exposing these measures and thus, endangering their success. All I can say is that we are working very hard to identify and neutralize these potentially violent groups. Gazeta Abėrė: Do you believe the Carpathian and Goldecian 8-years plan of occupation is realistic? Why wasn't it proposed during the peace negotiations instead of today? Dictator Wolfe: The Eight-Year Plan was devised as a means to prevent radical far-right forces from taking advantage of the chaos of the transitional and reconstruction period and causing a national tragedy, akin to the one in Thalamore. That does not mean the occupation will mean a loss of national sovereignty, or the presence of hundreds of thousands of foreign troops on your soil. Under the Eight-Year Plan, which I will detail right now, the majority of the occupation forces would gradually retreat in the space of six months, leaving behind a force of forty thousand troops, at most. These forces would take on the duty of securing the borders of Abere from your own armed forces, until they are sufficiently rebuilt. As the re-armament process continues and the country is gradually rebuilt, these forces will also gradually withdraw, one unit for every Aberian one that is re-equipped, until only three thousand troops remain in the final two years of the occupation and their role will be a secondary one, as advisors and assistants. As for why it wasn't proposed during the negotiations, is because this is a complex plan, who's details need to be discussed and decided with the Aberian government. It is a process which requires deliberations and we did not want the peace treaty to be delayed by them, at the expense of civilian loss of lives. Gazeta Abėrė: Which are your prospects for the Abėrian economy and the future Abėrian-Carpathian relations? Do your consider that the crowning of Queen Mimoza would imply a change or either Carpathian or Allied Forces policies? Dictator Wolfe: Given the Allied States' involvement, we certainly feel a responsibility towards assisting the Aberian economy. This is why we have imposed a free-trade regime on Carpathia's side, in regards to Aberian imports. We will certainly continue to assist Abere and if the Aberian people desires it, I see no reason why future relations couldn't be friendly. As for the effects of Queen Mimoza's crowning towards Carpathian and Coalition forces, I do not think it will lead to any change in policies, as it is primarily the government with which we will discuss solutions for the current problems. What will happen beyond the foreseeable future? This is something that I do not know. Edited by Hadash, Oct 6 2014, 12:07 AM.
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| Hadash | Sep 9 2014, 12:07 AM Post #23 |
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FIRST FREE AND FAIR ELECTIONS SINCE THE WAR RESULT IN A DIVIDED PARLIAMENT Gazeta Abėrė | October 2028 As predicted, the Communist Party was the most voted political party in the Kuvendi Elections, but their results were worse than expected. The Communist obtained 3,322,500 votes, barely 22.15% of the total voters, with 24 of 101 representatives. The centrist United Democratic League was second, wtih 20.75% and 22 representatives, while the left-wing Left Alliance was surprising third, with 18.95%, with 20 representatives. Many believe that the Communists have lost many voters in the last weeks to the Left Alliance, with a more moderate and reformist policies. The ultra-conservative National People's Party was fourth, and also obtained a surprising result, with more than 2,000,000 voters and 14 representatives. The Federalist Party, led by former Abaron Union's leader Besmir Krajati, obtained 6 representatives, while the Conservative and rural ASAP obtained 4 representatives. The Artvelians parties obtained 11 representatives. Other parties, such as the Conservative Democratic Party and others, failed to obtain any representative. ![]() Voters in Ersyrė. The elections were peaceful, but some incidents were reported. Only a few voters from the area controlled by the so-called Kholodic State of Artvelia were able to vote, while the Communist Party denounced irregularities in several provinces. The National People's Party also denounced irregularities in the area controlled by the Communist militias, where ballots from the National People's Party and other right-wing organizations were destroyed or dissappeared. The Communist Party's leader, Agron Talakhė, denied such claims, while the leader of the National People's Party, Ermal Janmė, have called for the illegalization of the Communist Part, if the Communist militias aren't dissolved. They're proved a threat for the security and order of the State, he declared. Queen Mimoza I has announced that a Special Commission will be called, in order to investigate all the alleged irregularities, while she declared that she will receive all the parliamentary forces who obtained representation in the Kuvendi, in order to discuss the formation of a new government, if needed. This won't happen thought, until the next General Council elections, at the end of this month, which is aimed to elect the members of the Constitutional Commission. |
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| Hadash | Sep 10 2014, 01:59 AM Post #24 |
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BESNIK HOXHA ANNOUNCED AS PRIME MINISTER Gazeta Abėrė | October 21, 2028 Queen Mimoza announced today, following weeks of talks between the parliamentary parties, the appointment of Besnik Hoxha as new Prime Minister. It was expected for many -specially following the General Council elections, two weeks ago, when the United Democratic League obtained 30.2% of the votes, and barely a few representatives from obtaining a absolute majority in the Upper House, while the Communist Party only obtained 18.2%- that the leader of the centrist UDL-KA was a likely, and even logical, candidate for the position of Prime Minister, but differences between the main political parties, had led to the appointment to a consensus figure, accepted by most of the political parties with representation in the Kuvendi. Besnik Hoxha, 60, a well-known economist, was already Prime Minister during 16 months, between 2021 and 2022. This experience may not bring good memories, as he was appointed Prime Minister by King Gazhmend IV, in the middle of corruption scandals and an economic crisis, in order to bring transparency and stability to the country, a task he wasn't successful, as the former Monarch ended dismissing him and appointed the an ASNP-Conservative Government instead, However, most of the parliamentary leaders have expressed their confidence that this time will be different, and that the new Government would bring the task the country is facing, but specially ending successfully the constitutional transition, estabilize the economic and political situation, including a final agreement for the Artvelian issue. Besnik Hoxha's Government, will include four members of the centrist United Democratic League and two members of the Federalist Party, in ministries and positions still to be determined. The Government is expected to have at least an ethnic-Artvelian Minister. The rest of the Government Ministries will be filled by independet members. The Government is believed to have the support of the centrist UDL, the left-wing Left Alliance, the Federalist Party, and the conservative Abėrian Smallholders Agriculture Party, but Prime Minister Besnik Hoxha has announced his intention to cooperate with other parties, including the National People's Party and the Communist Party. He also announced that no parliamentary force will be excluded from the Constitutional Commission, to be elected in the next weeks by the General Council. |
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| Hadash | Sep 14 2014, 08:05 AM Post #25 |
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NEW INSURGENCE ATTACKS Gazeta Abėrė | November 1, 2028 At least five Goldecian army soldiers have been killed in an attack by Social Nationalist militants in the city of Qytet, Southern Abėrė. The attack was latter claimed by the Nationalist Revolutionary Front. Local officials said a group of NRF militants, reportedly disguised in National Guard uniform, attacked a security check post in the province. ![]() This is not the first attack by the NRF in the last week, as about more than 20 people have died, mostly of them civilians, in two car bomb attacks in Lėbrazhd and Qėnderė. The latter was aimed against a recluitment center of the reformed Abėrian Armed Forces. A month ago, another attack in Eastern Abėrė resulted in one Akitsu soldier wounded and seven NRF militants dead, along with other 12 civilians. Minister of Defense General Dardanė declared that this surge in violence is incidental, and it wouldn't imply a change in the relations between Government and Occupation forces. He promised that the counter-terrorism units are prepared to end to this situation soon. "There is no reason to believe that insecurity is increasing", he declared, "rather the contrary". The Government's post-war plans include the definite withdrawal of the Occupation Forces by September 329. Edited by Hadash, Sep 14 2014, 12:46 PM.
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| Hadash | Oct 5 2014, 07:09 PM Post #26 |
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INTERVIEW WITH GJON NĖKEHU, CHAIRMAN OF THE EDUCATION COUNCIL Gazeta Abėrė | December 2028 Question: Your work includes investigation regarding Artvelia, both urban and rural areas. What's your opinion regarding what's happening there? Well, yes, you're right. I did, in early 2000s, more than twenty years ago, an anthropological research in Northern Artvelia, in both nearby cities but mainly in rural villages. It has been a long time, but I don't think the reality there is really different. It's, still, a very complicated situation. The first thing that is difficult to understand is the atrocious ignorance and arrogance of the Carpathians and the other Allied Forces, but specially the Goldecians, regarding the Abėrian society as a whole, including Artvelia. You know that in many Conservative and Nationalist circle that this was a purposeful plan, an strategy, in order to cause the collapse of both the Abėrian state and society, in order to turn our country totally dependent of foreign help even beyond that 8-years occupation plan, which was only recently announced. But that idea seems me as completely absurd. When I first visited Northern Artelia, some decades ago, it was the starkness of the rural-urban divide that most struck me. Then, Bashkimqytet was barely starting to become the city that today is, or rather the city that was before the war. Arbėr, and the coastal towns in general, were also very different, even more cosmopolitan than many Abėrian cities. But the Northern areas were like a different world, even like travelling to the past. That applies probably quite to the areas along the Western border, the famous Central Triangle, as they are calling it now. Arbėr and the other coastal towns and villages aren't very different that other Abėrian coastal towns such as Ersyrė or Qytet. They're stable and sustainable places. But Bashkimqytet is different, like a very artificial place, and not only because it was created that way, historically. Such a huge city, in the middle of almost nowhere, isn't very sustainable. It was always too dependent from Lėbrazhd. When early Artvelian historians talked that Bashkimqytet was a city only built in order to control the rest of the country, they weren't wrong. And in the early insurgency, around 326-327, when radical Kholodists talked about burning Bashkimqytet, if it was needed, that wasn't just rhetoric. But the situation has changed now. Question: You wrote then that Lėbrazhd wasn't able to understand the nature of Artvelian society. During those years, the fact that there weren't neither an organized radical Kholodist movement nor violent insurgency was understood as the lack of a real opposition to state power, and proof of development itself. People from Lėbrazhd tended to judge the situation according the local and national elections. Any other kind of information from the ground was rejected. The fact that secular parties, like the Republicans, and the moderates were winning elections, not only in cities like Arbėr and Bashkimqytet, but in rural areas as well, was misleading. You realize that once you're there. This is precisely, one of the historical mistakes of the Abėrian State, the lack of a real local government. Because local governments lacked real power, they were merely a facade, mostly useless. This was obvious during that time. The turnout was very low, extremely low, in those rural areas. The secular and moderate parties lacked a real membership in those areas. The elections weren't competitive. But rather the local leadership, often organized in tribal clans, confirmed their power and position being candidates of one of the parties. There were rarely more than two candidates. If the local government had some effective power, maybe it could have helped to develop those areas and bring a more effective government. But that wasn't the case. Question: However, you've written recently that rural-urban division isn't exactly real, when translated into political terms. I wouldn't say it's not real, but it's misleading. It's often believed that the urban areas are modernized, secular, while the real opposition is found in the rural areas, more traditional, backwards. That picture, even if it sounds logical, is not accurate. Sure, secular parties like the Republican Party, find their electoral based in mostly in urban areas, specially in the Southern provinces, while moderate and radical Kholodists find their support mostly in rural areas. But that is simplistic. One of the things we could see during the 316-318 insurgency, it's that the Abėrian State, despite it wasn't exactly a weak state, wasn't able to control the Artvelian provinces as a whole. Urban areas could only be hold under a complete military occupation, often brutal, while in the rural areas the resistence could only be wipped out through massive bombing, which only strenghtened, in the long term, the anti-Abėrian resistance. This is clear if your look the leadership of the so-called National Liberation Army. The belong mostly to the radicalized urban strata. Many of them have military background. Leselidze, it's known, or at least believed, was a policemen, but many of the commanders of the former NLA were soldiers and officers in the Abėrian Army. And many soldiers who left the Abėrian Army, or were expelled, during the insurgency period, joined them. They know how the Army works, and they're prepared for assymetrical warfare, which is what they're based their strategy in the last five years. Question: The Abėrian-Artvelian ceasefire will end next December, and no progress was made in the expected negotiations. Is war inevitable? And could it be expected if the Abėrian Army, or a foreign army, is forced into war in the Artvelian provinces? A military conflict now, or in the coming months, would be certainly disastrous for Abėrė, specially the economy. It would be disastrous for the Artvelian provinces, and for the future of Abėrian-Artvelian relations as a whole. I'm sure the Government understands this, and they're not going to push for such a scenario. But we're likely to reach such point, or allowing the existence of a failed state -besides the implication for the local population-, which would be disastrous for the stability of the Kingdom, and the region. But the Carpathians completely destroyed the fabric of Artvelian society, so it's difficult we're going to see the contruction of a stable Artvelian State, even if one with an ultra-conservative and radical leadership. And the former National Liberation Army wasn't created for state-building, after all. Question: Let's we move now to your work in the Sociological College of Qėnderė. You recently left the head position after ten years. Those were, certainly, complicated times. How do you value your experience? When we founded it, we hadn't a clear idea how it was going to end, and how many years was going to last. We did it because we didn't like the situation of the university system in the country, specially regarding social sciences and sociological research. It was aimed basically to the discussion of the last global developments in those disciplines, and to form and prepare students for more practical research. Later, when political turnoil came -something that wasn't exactly difficult to predict- we decided to focus ourselves in long-term policy and theoretical research. We suffered intense pressure from the Government, but I'm glad we were able to form hundreds of younger professionals and scholars. The country needs them. Question: At least a dozen of your former students are now in ministerial and technical positions. However, you were offered the position of the Minister of Education and you rejected it. Why? After a decade heading the College, I felt I needed a change. However, I still feel I could be useful in a position linked to teaching and research, that in a pure political position. I believe that we have, fortunately, many people prepared for that position. And Afėrdita [Kashėmė, current Minister of Education] is clearly prepared for a role. Prime Minister Hoxha offered me the position before, but I decided to reject it. I'll be centered in my new role [as Chairman of the Education Council in the Progonė University], and I'm glad that I'm having that chance. Question: Last week, you were in the inauguration of the Free University of Progonė, where you could coincide with Queen Mimoza. It's not a secret you know well Her Majesty. Which is your impression about her? As it's known, Her Majesty, then Princess, was one of my student in the High University of Qėnderė, when I was a professor of Social Structures and Institutional Change. I can't say we had a personal relation, although I can say she was a committed an serious student, despite her position. We only talked again recently, when she called me, congratulating me for my new position. A rather institutional conversation. Our conversation last Monday was warmer, just a change of views. But I'm convinced, despite of her age, she's prepared for her position, and she has a better understanding of the needs of Abėrian society than former Abėrian rulers. The challenges we are facing, though, are complicated. But we must work to solve them. |
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| Hadash | Oct 6 2014, 09:55 PM Post #27 |
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CONTROVERSIAL REPORT ON CARPATHIAN RELATIONS WITH ARTVELIAN INSURGENCY CAUSES OUTRAGE Gazeta Abėrė | April 2029 Yesterday, a special report published by the weekly newspaper "The Abėrian Conservative" has renewed the controversy regarding the role of the Occupation Forces during the War. The 7-pages report, called "Carpatian Support for Terrorism Confirmed Again", included several pictures of Carpathian officers and representatives with leading members of the National Liberation Army, which leaders are still labelled as terrorists by the Abėrian Government. One of the pictures shows Artven Uznadze, one of the main commanders of the insurgent organization, meeting with Carpathian officers, holding hands and exchanging words and smiles before entering into a building. Those pictures were allegedly taken in Bashkimqytet's Eastern suburbs, on March 2028, during the first weeks of the Abėrian War. Uznadze, who was of the main leaders of the Artvelian National Liberation Army, was believed by the Abėrian justice to be under the preparation of many insurgent attacks, including the so-called "Bloody Monday" terrorist attacks in Progonė on March 327, which resulted in 87 civilians dead in simultaneous bombs attack in several local supermarkets. Other pictures depict Carpathian soldiers giving material to Artvelian insurgents, likely humanitarian aid and weapons. This, however, isn't a surprise, as early and recent reports have showed that Kholodic fighters are well equipped with Carpathian weapons. ![]() One of the alleged pictures, showing a Carpathian soldier talking with two local fighters from the National Liberation Army [early April, 2028] The information caused criticism and outrage in both many Abėrian politicians and social media, although the Abėrian Government avoided any declaration or statement on the issue. One of the most critical and outspoken was the leader of the National People's Party, Ermal Janmė. "There can't be doubt anymore about the aimed destruction of our nation by the Carpathian Govenrment was a prepared and organized planned, ready long before the beginning of the war", Janmė said. "The Carpathian sponsorship of terrorism has to be answered accordingly...The recently announced postponement of the end of the Occupation to next October can't be justified in the present circumstances. The Government must demand an immediate withdrawal of the Occupation forces, giving the information, as another postponement could only be understood as treason against the nation", the National People's Party leader declared in a harsh statement in Qėnderė. Ermal Janmė also called all political forces and citizens to join the already organized demonstration against the Occupation in Lėbrazhd, next Sunday. The demonstration is considered the first open demonstration against the Occupation Forces since the end of the war, and the organizers of the march expect that it will be the must succesful one since the fall of the ANSP regime. Janmė also called for early elections, in the case Prime Minister Besnik Hoxha isn't able to fulfill his former promise of an early end of the occupation by the Allied Forces. Edited by Hadash, Oct 6 2014, 10:02 PM.
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4:47 AM Jul 14